dChan - Q Origins Project Archive

>>20622799

77 sands

We Work

Our Vision

Building a global community

WeWork was founded in 2010 with the vision to create environments where people and companies come together and do their best work. Since opening our first location in New York City, we’ve grown into a global workplace provider committed to delivering flexible solutions, inspiring, safety-focused spaces, and unmatched community experiences. Today, we're constantly reimagining how the workplace can help everyone, from freelancers to Fortune 500s, be more motivated, productive, and happy—because that’s how tomorrow works.

> https://www.wework.com/buildings/dumbo-heights-77-sandsnew-york-cityNY

>>20622799

>>20622816

Our Sponsored Projects

SDPis proud to support and sponsor the educational, cultural, and charitable activities of the projects listed here. Some of these organizations also engage in political activities but funds that SDP accepts on their behalf can never be used for such activities.

State Democracy Project,77 Sands St, #6; Brooklyn NY 11201, 201-815-8499

Meet the candidates running for Milwaukee School Board in 2023

WUWM 89.7 FM | By Emily Files

Published March 3, 2023 at 8:00 AM CST

Updated December 27, 2023 at 12:59 PM CST

Top row, left to right: Jeff Spence, Shandowlyon Hendricks Reaves, Missy Zombor and Gabi Hart. Bottom row left to right:Marva Herndon,Darryl L. Jackson, Pamela Holmes, Megan O'Halloran and Erika Siemsen.

>>20622872

> https://services.austintexas.gov/edims/document.cfm?id=363548

>>20622799

>Website is WorkingFamilies.ORG

>>20622872

>>20622901

Working Families Timeline

2007: Victories all over the state on election day this fall. We provided the margin of victory for progressive candidates in key county races, and built the strength of our chapters in those areas for even bigger races in 2008.

2007: WFP’s campaign to provide paid family leave for all New York workers moves the issue to the top of the agenda for the legislature and new governor.

2007: WFP joins the New York is Our Home campaign to preserve affordable housing in New York, especially the endangered Mitchell-Lama buildings. In May, thousands of people form a human chain around Stuyvesant Town to protest the new owner’s plan to move to market rents.

2007: WFP plays a critical role beating back anti-immigrant legislation in Suffolk County.

2007: After Republican State Senator Mike Balboni resigns to take Homeland Security post, WFP helps D-WF candidate Craig Johnson to win a tough State Senate special election on Long Island in February.

2006: County Executive Tom Suozzi signs Nassau County living wage bill into law.

2006: WFP leads campaign for statewide Fair Share for Health Care law, which would win employer-sponsored insurance for half a million New York workers. Bill does not pass due to employer opposition.

2006: With the teachers union and ACORN, WFP wins passage through both houses of bill granting union rights to 50,000 home-based childcare workers.

2006: WFP's Take Back Congress targets vulnerable Republican Congressmembers in New York State and Connecticut. Three of our four priority candidates – Kirsten Gillibrand (NY-20), Mike Arcuri (NY-24) and Chris Murphy (CT-5) – captured Republican-held seats and joined the new majority.

2006: WFP share of the statewide vote reaches a record 3.5 percent. WFP provides margin of victory in County Legislature races in Broome, Sullivan and Rockland Counties, and in two Assembly races.

2005: Syracuse finally passes living wage law.

2005: WFP leads fight to block tax cut on incomes over $500,000 in New York City.

2005: WFP launches In This Together, a successful campaign to pressure New York state’s Congressmembers to oppose Social Security privatization.

2005: Suffolk County passes Fair Share for Health Care Act, requiring "Big Box" stores like Wal-Mart to cover health care costs for its employees.

2005: WFP runs two TWU members for office and wins: Kate Browning defeats Republican Suffolk County Legislature majority leader. Darlene Mealy beats the patriarch of a local political dynasty, Frank Boyland, for a seat on the New York City Council. Corey Ellis wins seat on the Albany Common Council running on WFP-line alone.

2004: WFP convinces NYC City Council to restore deep cuts in legal aid services (for poor and indigent) proposed by Mayor Bloomberg. Union representing legal aid workers describes WFP as "most important factor" in preserving their agency.

2004: WFP helps kill a bill that would allow local governments to privatize some aspects of property tax collection. Allies in state Assembly say WFP opposition was decisive in preventing passage. Done quietly, but effectively, and shows WFP’s growing skill at operating within the legislature.

2004: WFP runs candidate against incumbent Albany DA in Democratic primary, defeats him in a historic upset. Main issue is Rockefeller drug laws, of which incumbent (like most DAs) is staunch supporter. Victory leads to long-awaited reform of drug laws.

2004: WFP receives over 169,000 votes for Chuck Schumer for U.S. Senate – a 50,000 vote increase from our previous record.

2004: WFP line provides margin of victory in three upstate races: Brian Higgins for U.S. Congress, David Valesky’s defeat of incumbent State Senator, and Susan John’s reelection to Assembly. On Staten Island, WFP Executive Board member Diane Savino wins election to State Senate.

2004: WFP wins two-dollar increase in state minimum wage when the Republican State Senate overrides the Governor’s veto. An estimated 1.2 million New York workers see their wages increase as a result of this historic victory.

2003-04: Election of first WFP-only officials – Letitia James to New York City Council and Lucille McKnight to Albany County legislature.

>>20622994

>2003-04: Election of first WFP-only officials –Letitia James to New York City Counciland Lucille McKnight to Albany County legislature.

2003: With SEIU 1199 and United Federation of Teachers, WFP successfully pressures state legislature to override Gov. Pataki’s deep budget cuts.

2003: WFP leads the fight for solving the New York City budget crisis through progressive revenue increases, not deep service cuts.

2003: WFP plays central role in defeating Bloomberg's proposal to eliminate party primaries in New York City elections.

2003: WFP helps pass stronger lead-paint legislation in NYC. This was central issue in our endorsement process for City Council candidates.

2003: WFP helps pass two NYC bills on behalf of immigrants – one requiring City agencies to provide translation services, the other forbidding them to ask about or report on clients immigration status. Again, used endorsement process to elevate these bills with Council members.

2003: WFP runs independent slate of WFP-only judges in Brooklyn and Staten Island against those chosen by Democratic leadership, which is widely perceived to be corrupt. Receives about one third of the vote, and a huge amount of publicity for WFP as the good-government party.

2003: In Democratic primary in Syracuse, WFP candidate defeats incumbent member of Common Council who had broken campaign pledge to support living wage bill.

2002: WFP leads the fight for solving the New York City budget crisis through progressive revenue increases, not deep service cuts.

2002: WFP successfully passes living wage in Westchester County, raising wages of 2,000 home health care and building service workers. Again, a direct result of electoral success – in this case running successful Democratic primary challenge against incumbent Assemblymember.

2002: Working with SEIU 32B-32J, WFP passes displaced-worker protection bill through City Council. The bill ensures that building service workers keep their jobs when building owners change contractors.

2002: WFP line provides margin of victory in election of Tim Bishop to U.S. Congress in Suffolk County – the only defeat of a right-wing incumbent Republican that year anywhere in U.S. Bishop wins by 2,700 votes, with 2,900 on the WFP line.

2002: Based on statewide election results, WFP moves up the ballot to Row E, while the Liberals and Greens lose ballot status.

2001: WFP leads successful living wage fight in Suffolk County, raising wages for approximately 4,000 workers, mostly in home health care and childcare. It’s the first living wage ever passed by a Republican legislature; passes only because WFP line provided margin of victory in key race.

2001: Together with ACORN, SEIU 1199 and other allies, WFP passes a living wage bill in New York City covering over 100,000 workers.

2001: WFP plays a substantial role in the jockeying to choose a new Speaker of New York City Council. Crain's New York Business described WFP support as "key" to the eventual Speaker’s victory. Demonstrates value of being able to work within Democratic caucus.

2000: 102,000 New Yorkers vote for Hillary Clinton on the WFP line, double the number of votes from two years earlier.

1998: WFP gains official ballot status in New York State.

1998: WFP helps pass strong campaign finance legislation through the New York City Council.

>https://web.archive.org/web/20080603004633/http://www.workingfamilies.org/

>>20622996

>>https://web.archive.org/web/20080603004633/http://www.workingfamilies.org/

Our History

In the spring of 1998 a coalition of community groups, unions, and issue activists came together to create the Working Families Party. The idea was simple: build a political party with a ballot line that would fight for issues like living wage jobs, education, affordable housing, health care,and clean elections

It was a "third" party with a twist. Theplan was to take advantage of New York's special voting rules, called cross endorsement or fusion. (Read more about fusion.)

The United Auto Workers, the Communication Workers, ACORN, Citizen Action and the New Party were some of the early and most significant organizations to come on board. Many others signed up to help and this young coalition rolled up their figurative sleeves to get busy.

The first goal proved to be a tricky one: convince 50,000 New Yorkers to vote on the Working Families Party line for Governor in order to win official ballot status. In a rushed, low-budget, grassroots campaign thousands of people heard for the first time about the idea behind this new political party. They learned how minor parties could play a major role by cross-endorsing major party candidates. (Learn more about fusion voting).

Finding the Working Families Party lever was nearly impossible. It was buried on the ballot. And when votes were counted on election night in November 1998, it seemed the WFP had fallen short. But in subsequent weeks, as the Board of Elections checked their figures, it turned out that the Working Families Party had made it, with 51,325 votes.

Since 1998 we've grown by leaps and bounds. There are now more than70 organizations who have affiliated with the Working Families Party. There are local chapters across the state. Sister parties have formed in Connecticut, Oregon, South Carolina, and Delaware.

Our share of the vote has increased with every statewide election. And we've successfully won campaign finance reforms, living wage laws, minimum wage laws, investment in health care and education. With the votes we've won on our line, we've helped elect hundreds of candidates to office and done our best to hold them accountable to our issue concerns.

We have many more battles to face if we are going to make New York a better place to live, to work, to raise our children and to vote. We have to organize, mobilize and energize. We have to fight media-induced cynicism and the money-drenched status quo. We have to show that political involvement is exciting and important and fun.

And we can't do it without your help. We need thousands of ordinary people to join together to work for what they believe in. Please read through our website and get a sense of who we are and what we're about. If you like what you read, make sure to stop by the get active page and join us. Together, we can make history.

(And speaking of history, buffs should check out this excerpt from Micah Sifry's Spoiling for a Fight, a history of third parties in American politics, here. If you're curious about more specific election results, read about WFP results in 2006 and in in previous elections).

>>20623017

>>>https://web.archive.org/web/20080603004633/http://www.workingfamilies.org/

Our Strategy - Fusion

The vast majority of us share progressive values and want more affordable health care, a higher minimum wage, and better schools - but real change is hard to come by.

We've built a party for working people and their children. Many people think that building a new party is too hard, that their only real choice is for "the lesser of two evils."

Those concerns are right on target. Except in states like New York with fusion voting.

New York is one of the only states in the nation in which minor parties play a major role.That's because it is one of two states in which fusion voting is both legal and common.

If you ask people to vote for candidates with no chance of winning - and by definition third party candidates have almost no chance of winning - they will wonder if you think they are stupid. "You mean you want me to waste my vote on someone who, if they're lucky will get 2 or 3 percent just to make a point?" (The "Wasted Vote" problem). Or, "won't voting for that third party candidate, who is the best of the bunch, end up helping the candidate who is the worst of the bunch?" (The "Spoiler" problem). That's where fusion voting comes in.

Fusion Voting Explained

Fusion voting, also called "Open Ballot Voting" or "cross-endorsement", allows two or more parties to nominate the same candidate on separate ballot lines. Candidates' vote totals on each ballot line are added together to determine the overall winner.Open ballot voting is our secret weapon - a key part of our strategy.

Once legal and commonly practiced in all states,fusion is now legal only in New York, Connecticut, Delaware, South Carolina, Mississippi, South Dakota and Vermont.In other states, it was banned around the turn of the century after the Populists used the cross endorsement system to build a powerful alliance of small farmers and industrial workers.

When we have a chance to run our own candidate and win, we do so. Races in which we're not strong enough to run one of our own, we look to support a good candidate of another party. That candidate will run on more than one ballot line and voters can choose to vote on the line that best represents their views. Think of it as a "protest vote that counts." If the WFP gets a good percentage of votes on its line, it sends a strong message about the importance of our issues.

Take a look at this sample ballot:

Fusion Ballot

As you can see,voters can vote for John Kerry and Chuck Schumer on Row B(the Democratic Line) or Row E (the Working Families Party line). Either vote counts equally toward their total, but votes on the WFP line send a more specific message about the importance of the issues that matter most to working families.

How Fusion Voting Can Work

In the spring of 2001, Bill Lindsay, president of IBEW Local 25, ran for County Legislature in a Suffolk County special election. He was endorsed by both the Democratic and Working Families parties.

When the election results were tabulated, Lindsay had won a narrow victory. The final breakdown of Lindsay's win was 50.6% to 49.4% - with the WFP producing 3% of Lindsay's vote. The WFP was the margin of victory.

The purpose of Working Families' votes is to show politicians that people support working families' issues. Concurrently with the Lindsay election, we were fighting for "living wage" legislation in Suffolk County, which would require companies receiving County money to pay their workers $10 an hour. Every member of the Republican controlled County Legislature noticed the WFP's role in the Lindsay victory. They were soon up for reelection themselves and realized the importance of appealing to our voters. So, they decided to pass the bill.

The WFP bill in Suffolk was the first countywide living wage law enacted in New York State. And it was the first in the country to pass in a Republican-controlled legislature. Because of fusion voting, we could provide the margin of victory, and that meant we were able to force elected officials to address an issue that affected thousands of Long Island workers.

Fusion is our secret weapon,allowing us to build a viable third party that is not plagued by the "spoiler" problem or the "wasted vote" problem. But, there are no short cuts. Changing the political landscape, winning real victories for working people and building actual political power is not easy. There's a lot of work involved - we need to recruit a membership and activist base, articulate our vision, help elect candidates, hold them accountable, raise money, and invest it in more organizing. Our strategy is to be issue based, to start small, think long term, take advantage of the electoral moment to voice our opinion, and continue grassroots organizing year round. We hope you'll join us.

>>20623043

>"We waz ChonKingz and shit"

We Built New York: Rocky Chin

May 2, 2018

“‘You arrived on July 4th – standing up!’ That was how mother described my birth in 1947. My breech-birth arrival was cause for celebration. That it happened to fall on Independence Day, accompanied by fireworks in the Nation’s capital, was in sharp contrast to what my parents had endured in war-torn China just a few years before my birth. My parents had left America in the late 1930s serving as civilian professionals in China. Their first-born son perished in the harsh conditions ofChonqing,a city ravaged by perpetual bombing by Japanese fighter planes.

I was told the story of my parents’ escape from Chongqing over the Himalayas as a child. I did not understand how our family came to settle in the Appalachian hills of Kentucky, but I appreciated the fact that my parents were forthright in sharing their early history in China with us as children. Knowing one’s roots is critical to finding your voice.

My father’s parents were born in Toisan, a rural part of Southern China. His father ventured across the Pacific at the age of 14. Before finally settling in Worcester, Massachusetts – he had crossed the Pacific four times! My father and all but one of his siblings was born in America. Their family was a curiosity in Worcester since my grandmother had bound feet and insisted on wearing Chinese garb. My grandfather, however, embraced American customs, insisting on cooking Turkey with all the fixins for their Thanksgiving Meal.

If my father was told stories of his parents lives in China, he never shared them with us. His first visit to China came shortly after he lost both of his parents to illness. It was 1937, and he arrived shortly before the infamous Japanese siege of Nanking, China.

My Mother grew up in Beijing, China. She was an official’s daughter. Not wealthy, but certainly more privileged than most Chinese. Her father would escape Chinese Exclusion Laws because of his diplomatic status. All of his children would attend American and British schools. Years after my maternal grandfather passed away, his wife’s immigration status would be questioned by authories – despite her many years in America. Unable to pass the citizenship English test, she was threatened with deportation, and forced to move to Canada where she lived out her last days with her oldest son.

Like many Asians in American, we are often asked: “Where do you come from?”

I am proud of my Chinese heritage and also proud of the fortuitous circumstances of being born on July 4th in Washington DC. But the question “Where are you From” often sadly reflects a perception that we Asians in America are not “American”, that we are foreigners. So if I answer: “I was born in Washington & I grew up in Kentucky”, the questioner would persist in asking: “Where are you really from?”

This question spurred me to delve even deeper into understanding my own family’s history, to understand America’s racist immigration laws which have shaped our lives but also the lives of every American. Our family experienced segregation “American apartheid-style” explicitly during one road trip. As we stopped by gas stations, the signs left nothing to the imagination: “Colored Only” and “Whites Only” signs. Having someone tell you which bathroom to go to is an experience even a young person will never forget.

>>20623107

>My Mother grew up in Beijing, China. She was an official’s daughter. N

In college, I chose to be a Freshman Counselor. This meant rejecting “rushing” for a fraternity. My father had been a harsh critique of fraternities. I would end up having my own views published by the Alumni Magazine – and the backlash I received from the mostly white alumni was itself an education in how deeply seated racism is in America. In graduate school, I discovered a small but active Asians American student movement. It was exciting! We founded the first Asian American Student Association, published the first Asian American Studies Journal (“Amerasia Journal”) and created and taught the first course on Asian American Studies.

By the time I entered law school, I knew I wanted to pursue a career as a civil rights or legal services attorney. Standing up for civil and human rights seemed to be a perfect life career. I was lucky to have found a job where I would get paid for enforcing policies, laws and initiatives that I felt addressed issues of social justice and fighting inequality. I continued to also maintain my out-side activism, since civil rights agencies are invariably always under-funded by governments.

I took a brief respite from working at the City’s Commission on Human Rights in 2001.I was among 7 candidates running for city council in Manhattan’s District 1-an incredible experience even though I did not win. As a candidate, I was able to speak out about issues that I felt passionate about: affordable housing, workers rights, disability and civil rights issues, equal opportunity. I was also able to do a lot more “soul-searching” than ever, and learned to better appreciate the relationships I had with my family and friends. The Primary -on September 11th – was obviously horrifically disrupted. But I eventually landed a position at the State civil rights agency as Director of the Office of Equal Opportunity & Diversity, where I was able to address the importance of promoting the human rights laws amongst more New Yorkers by translating agency materials into many different languages.

For young people, it’s important to understand not only their own family’s history, but the history and struggles of diverse peoples in America to overcome oppression, racism and other forms of discrimination.”

CITY COUNCIL | 1ST COUNCIL DISTRICT

[candidate photo]

ROCKY CHIN

Working Families

Party Enrolled In: Democratic

Occupation: Civil Rights Attorney, NYC Commission on Human Rights

Occupational Background: Supervising Attorney, Acting General Counsel, Assistant Deputy Commissioner (with Mayor Dinkins) [NYC Commission on Human Rights]; DC 37 Legal Services

Educational Background: USC School of Law, J.D.; Yale University, Masters in City Planning; Lehigh University, B.A.

Organizational Affiliations: Board, MFY Legal Services; Board, Gouverneur Gardens Co-op; Board, Citizen Action of New York City; New York Jobs with Justice; New York Immigration Coalition; East River Environmental Coalition; Recipient, NYS Bar Association’s Haywood Burns Civil Rights Award

Prior Public Experience: NYC Commission on Human Rights; American Bar Association’s Coordinating Committee on Immigration; Community Board 3 member

I live and work in District One. My wife and I raised our children here educating them in our public schools. The awesome diversity of this district demands a leader capable of identifying issues for effective community action. My decades of experience as a public interest attorney working on housing, civil rights, labor, and community matters has prepared me well to do that job.

I have worked for fair housing, hate crimes legislation, police accountability and immigrant rights. I believe education, housing, mutual respect and the quality of life in our neighborhoods are this district’s critical priorities.

To give our children the best education we must: reduce class size, train and retain more experienced principals and teachers, and renovate deteriorating school facilities. Our neighborhood public schools should be centers of on-going education for community residents. More multi-lingual teachers, counselors and staff are needed for families not yet fluent in English.

I have defended city workers facing eviction. That experience taught me how important it is to create and preserve decent affordable housing. I am committed to preserving and strengthening rent regulation, extending loft law protections, and to creating new partnerships to fund the next-generation of Mitchell-Lama (middle income) housing. I oppose the privatization of Mitchell-Lama developments and city-owned housing and the sale of city-owned land to private developers.

My endorsements include Hon. David N. Dinkins; Hon.Guillermo Linares; Miriam Friedlander, Former City Council member; David Henry Hwang; UNITE!; Musicians Local 802; U.A.W. Region 9A; Teamsters Local 237; Working Families Party

(Statement reprinted as supplied by the candidate.)

Participating in the NYC Campaign Finance Program.

https://archive.ph/CJuoC#selection-155.0-173.16

>>20623118

Chapters

We have 20 chapters and clubs around the state. The best way to participate in the WFP is to join your local chapter!

New York City

Manhattan Chapter

Contact: Naomi Zauderer

212-988-5565

zauderer@nypnu.org

Contact: John Scott

jscott2709@aol.com

Chinatown Club

Contact: Rocky Chin

RockyChin@aol.com

Downtown Club

Contact: John Scott

jscott2709@aol.com

East Side Club

Contact: Naomi Zauderer

212-988-5565

zauderer@nypnu.org

Harlem-East Harlem Club

Contact: Ramona McFarlan

718-665-0987

rshabazz@votewfp.org

North Brooklyn Club

Contact: Bernette Carway-Spruiell and Audrey Jackman

347-623-5693

wfpnobklynclub@aol.com

South Brooklyn Club

Contact: Dorothy Siegel

718-624-0314

dorothy.siegel@nyu.edu

Staten Island Club

Contact: Frank O'Connor

foconnor@si.rr.com

Washington Heights Club

Contact: Flora Huang

646-456-6348

fihuang@hotmail.com

Suburbs

Nassau Chapter

Contact: Liz Pitt

718-222-3796 ext 208

Lpitt@votewfp.org

Rockland County Chapter

Contact: Tom Stoner

504-220-3766

tom.stoner@verizon.net

Suffolk Chapter

Contact: Joe Berry

718-222-3796 ext 229

jberry@votewfp.org

Westchester-Putnam Chapter

Contact: Pat Welsh

pwelsh10@hotmail.com

www.wpwfp.org

Upstate New York

Binghamton Chapter

Contact: Eileen Hamlin

33 West State Street, Suite 201

Binghamton, NY 13901

607-775-1758

eileenh713@aol.com

Capital District Chapter (Counties of Albany, Columbia, Montgomery, Rensselaer, Saratoga and Schenectady)

Contact: Nicki Weiner

94 Central Ave.

Albany NY 12206

518-445-0905

nickiw@votewfp.org

Central New York Chapter (Counties of Cayuga, Onondaga, Oswego and Tompkins)

Contact: Hilary Penney

315-424-1743 ext 146

hpenney@votewfp.org

Fingerlakes Chapter (Counties of Monroe and Ontario)

Contact: Amy Cohen

718-222-3796

ACohen@votewfp.org

Herkimer-Oneida Chapter

Contact: Jim Curtacci

CWA 1126

427 Main Street

New York Mills, NY 13417

(315) 736-1126 (phone)

(315) 736-3934 (fax)

cwa1126@adelphia.net

Mid-Hudson Valley Chapter(Counties of Ulster, Dutchess, Orange, and Sullivan)

Contact: Melody Lopez

718-222-3796

mlopez@workingfamiliesparty.org

Utica Chapter

Contact: John Furman

315-437-1601

Western New York Chapter (Counties of Cattaraugas, Chautauqua, Erie and Niagara)

Contact: Louisa Pacheco

271 Porter Ave

Buffalo, NY 14201

716-697-7616

lpacheco@votewfp.org

https://web.archive.org/web/20080603004633/http://www.workingfamilies.org/

>>20623118

>>20623127

>My Mother grew up in Beijing, China. She was an official’s daughter.

> https://www.facebook.com/mocanyc/posts/rockwell-rocky-chin-is-a-civil-rights-attorney-and-activist-born-in-washington-d/10156934276550432/

>>20623153

wow….full treatment for this commie

Google Arts & Culture

A4’s Beginnings

A Conversation with Rockwell "Rocky" Chin

Rockwell "Rocky" Chin

Rocky Chin is a retired government civil right attorney and member of the New York City Commission on Human Rights. He is a founder of the Asian American Bar Association of New York and among the first Asian Americans to lead the Basement Workshop, the iconic Asian American art & cultural grassroots organization located in Chinatown, New York. Rocky was involved in early conversations that led to the founding of the Asian American Arts Alliance, and subsequently served as President & Member of A4’s Board.

How did you first connect with A4?

A4 owes its creation to those who were active participants in the iconic Basement Workshop - the iconic Asian American art & cultural grassroots organization with humble beginnings in a basement at 54 Elizabeth Street in Chinatown, NYC. These artists and activists recognized that the Basement - under the initial leadership of Danny N.T. Yung and later the poet and activist Fay Chiang - had successfully birthed an incredible number of new and diverse AAPI creative ventures. The time had come to create a new organization. One that would be a fierce advocate for AAPI artists and organizations. One that would harness the strength of AAPI artists, activists, cultural heritage organizations, enhancing the AAPI community’s voice and presence. The Basement was something very special at the time it was formed - and it was that kind of spirit of working together to address common issues facing communities of color - that I think clearly motivated the early founders of the Asian American Arts Alliance.

Can you speak to the time period in which A4 was formed and the necessity behind it?

There were so few organizations like A4 when it came together in 1983. The issues that we were dealing with, having a voice in the cultural and arts world, addressing racism, stereotypes in the media, discrimination, anti-Asian violence addressing roles, and addressing stereotypes in the media..all that was nothing new to the activists that were involved in the early history of the Arts Alliance, because these were the common conversations that go back to the time period when the Basement Workshop was founded. I guess you could say A4’s founders were part of the first Asian American movement that included artists, which was very important for the movement. At the time A4 was founded, our AAPI numbers in the City were not large, even if you combined our diverse Asian Pacific communities together. But we were starting to become more visible, you know? This is all a reflection of the change in the immigration laws in 1965. So I guess you could say it took maybe the first 10 years of the late ‘70s and the early ‘80’s, for New York to accumulate and grow a population of families and diverse AAPI nationalities. At the time, when the Arts Alliance was formed, there was a blatant need to address the lack of Asian American artists on and off Broadway and in the media.

What roles have you seen A4 play in the AAPI community over the years and how has the need for an organization like A4 changed during that time?

A4 took on, over time, a variety of roles - surely advocacy, service and offering technical workshops, granting and even some programs e.g. music showcases, national conferences and festivals. With limited staff and volunteers, over time it had to focus on service and advocacy.

https://artsandculture.google.com/story/a4%E2%80%99s-beginnings-asian-american-arts-alliance/HAVxqGFUbkeCug?hl=en

>>20623163

>wow….full treatment for this commie

>Google Arts & Culture

muh human rights

Mayor de Blasio Appoints Rockwell Chin,Guillermo Chacón and Reverend Terry Troia to the City Commission on Human Rights

November 18, 2019

As longstanding and well-respected experts in their fields, the new appointees strengthen the City’s commitment to dignity and respect for all.

>>20623411

>Ukraine using US-made chemical weapons – Russian diplomat

you don't say