Anonymous ID: f680fa July 26, 2020, 1:59 p.m. No.10084879   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>4883 >>4923 >>4933 >>4968

Tom Hanks is now a Greek citizen

Some people say, "No problem, we have an extradition treaty".

But Hanks lives here

And has friends on other islands

And yachts

Many of which have mini subs

So tell me again, focusing on LOGISTICS

How do you extradite a person from here?

Even Navy Seals are helpless if they don't know where the target is

And note how close he is to Turkey

I'm sure anons would love to send out the 6th fleet

But seriously…

He's not worth that much money

 

If I wanted to get him

I would find a 13yo female volunteer

Put her through the Monarch torture and sex slave programming

Give her a cyanide capsule

And send her to find Hanx

And in an intimate moment,

Take out the capsule and crush it in his mouth

 

It would have to be thoroughly secret

And never reported anywhere, ever…

Except

In a New-Hollywood movie

Plausible deniability

Anonymous ID: f680fa July 26, 2020, 3:44 p.m. No.10085541   🗄️.is đź”—kun

On July 17, we learned that the FBI knew, just as Donald Trump’s presidency was beginning, that there was no evidence his campaign had colluded with Russia. That’s the significance of a memo written by FBI agent Peter Strzok in mid-February 2017 and just released.

 

The news matters for three reasons. First, almost all the public investigation and damaging narrative about “Trump-Russia collusion” came after investigators knew how little supporting evidence there was.

 

Second, the more we learn about the ensuing investigations, the more they look like concerted abuses of government authority. We give law-enforcement and intelligence agencies tremendous power so they can protect us; when they abuse that power, they need to be held accountable and reined in. That seldom happens to anyone in Washington’s sprawling bureaucracies, which protect their own within the gurgling ecosystem of power, profit, regulation, and rent-seeking. Just ask Lois Lerner.

 

Third, when the FBI, Department of Justice, and intelligence agencies act in biased, partisan, and illicit ways, they cut to the very heart of our constitutional democracy, damage our institutions, and undermine trust in them. That is exactly what happened in 2016 and afterward. Public trust was undermined by these prolonged investigations and the narrative about them. It will be undermined further as we learn how the investigators themselves likely pursued partisan goals, ignored crucial evidence, and broke laws to do it. (The counter-charge, already being made, is that exposing these violations is itself partisan.)

 

Collusion between a presidential campaign and a foreign enemy would be equally damaging. That’s why allegations of Trump-Russia collusion were so serious and why they needed to be investigated thoroughly, fairly, and impartially. The problem is that these probes continued for years and actually intensified after senior law enforcement officials knew there was little or no corroborating evidence. Instead of ending these investigations quickly and definitively, the investigators expanded, deepened, and continued their search despite the lack of evidence. As the investigations ground on, they took on a more sinister mien: to hobble and, if possible, actually remove a duly elected president.

 

This effort to take down the Trump administration went well beyond the normal bounds of standard FBI practice, prosecutorial diligence, and “loyal opposition” among elected officials. It extended far beyond law enforcement and intelligence agencies. It involved senior officials from the Obama administration (some of whom stayed on after Trump took office in 2017), their congressional allies, and a phalanx of reporters, editors, and anchors, who reported the leaks and crafted a damning narrative. They were aided by career officials across multiple agencies who stayed in close touch with their old bosses and did their best to oppose President Trump and his policies. They were led by one party and focused squarely on the leader of the opposition, first as candidate and then as president. If Trump and his campaign had actually committed serious crimes or had been credibly accused of them, that focus would have been fully justified. If not, not. If the investigations kept turning up incriminating evidence, they should have been continued. If not, not.