https://thefederalist.com/2020/10/19/we-gamed-out-the-2020-election-and-found-our-constitution-can-handle-the-madness/
wargame of 2020 election results
team of 35 people, and over the course of seven days, these constitutional scholars, along with experts in election law, foreign affairs, law enforcement, and media, decided how they would react to fast-moving events. The operation was coordinated by a retired military officer experienced in running hundreds of wargames.
The team carefully simulated the last scenario. The key takeaways from the effort included:
Regardless of the outcome, the winner isn’t likely to be known on election night.
The large number of mail-in ballots may prove hard to validate in many states, as systems have not been prepared to process the ballots and count them, while tremendous pressure will be brought to bypass safeguards against fraud and produce results.
When employed, the legal system will be up to the task of adjudicating disputes over election results.
There is a significant chance for unrest, stoked by a dominant corporate media in which the American people have lost trust; internet giants actively deciding what information to allow the public to see; domestic opponents to America’s constitutional system, and by foreign powers, mainly the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia.
There is a heightened danger of international adventurism by the PRC and Russia, the leaders of which, misperceiving the nature of American governance, may think the post-election uncertainty gives them opportunity for military action. This would be a grievous error on their parts.
If the contest doesn’t produce a majority (50 percent plus 1) of the votes of seated electors by Jan. 6, there are clearly established constitutional procedures to determine a victor.
There are two areas of uncertainty at the late stage of a contested election:
Each house determines the final election results of its membership. This means the Democratic majority in the U.S. House might decide not to seat duly elected Republican members to prevent the Republicans from holding a 26-seat majority in the state delegations if they, with one vote per state, are used to determine the president if no candidate has the needed absolute majority of seated electors’ votes. Given that the majority’s power to determine the membership of the body, House or Senate, is absolute, the sole check on the use of this political power is the potentially dire consequences of its abuse.
Should the results be undetermined through Jan. 20, Inauguration Day, the Succession Act would suggest that the speaker of the House would become acting president until one is determined and, if the House cannot decide, then elevating the vice president, even if selected out of the Senate.