Anonymous ID: 7bf19b June 21, 2021, 4:08 a.m. No.13949749   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>9763

>>13945686 PB PB PB

>>13949681

re Q post (personal note)

Truth?

original narrative first

(lies?)

Truth coming out, msm push same counter-narrative

next week: mueller fake news and Russia Russia Russia

otherwise FF

what is the current (6/21/2021) counter-narrative, what happens if it fails; predictable?

expose impeach recall Vote Speak share info

Know Truth, no violence; Know Truth, no violence

Anonymous ID: 7bf19b June 21, 2021, 4:12 a.m. No.13949763   🗄️.is đź”—kun

>>13949749

>>13945686 PB PB PB

re https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dreyfus_affair#Crisis_and_reshaping_the_political_landscape

 

"Crisis and reshaping the political landscape

 

Henry was dead, Boisdeffre had resigned, Gonse had no more authority, and du Paty had been severely compromised by Esterhazy: for the conspirators it was a débâcle.[173] The government was now caught between two fires: the nationalist pressure on the street and the higher command. Cavaignac, having resigned for continuing to spread his anti-Dreyfusard vision of the Affair, arose as an anti-revisionist leader. General Zurlinden who succeeded him and was influenced by the General Staff, delivered a negative opinion at the review on 10 September 1898 comforting the extremist press by saying that, "a review means war". The obstinacy of the Government, who voted to revert to the Supreme Court on 26 September 1898, led to the resignation of Zurlinden who was soon replaced by General Chanoine.[174] When Chanoine was questioned in the House he handed in his resignation; trust was denied to Brisson and he was also forced to resign. Ministerial instability caused some governmental instability.

 

On 1 November 1898 the Progressive Charles Dupuy was appointed in place of Brisson. In 1894 he had covered the actions of General Mercier at the beginning of the Dreyfus Affair,[175] and four years later he announced that he would follow the judgment of the Supreme Court,[176] thus blocking the road for those who wanted to stifle the review and divest the Court. On 5 December 1898 in the shadow of a debate in the House on the transmission of the "secret file" to the Supreme Court the tension rose another notch. Insults, invective, and other nationalistic violence gave way to threats of an uprising. Paul Déroulède declared: "If there has to be a civil war so be it."[177]

 

A new crisis arose at the same time in the heart of the Supreme Court, since Quesnay de Beaurepaire, President of the Civil Chamber, accused the Criminal Chamber of Dreyfusism in the press. He resigned on 8 January 1899 as a hero of the nationalist cause. This crisis led to the divestiture of the Criminal Division in favour of joint chambers. This was the point of blockage for the review.[178]

 

In 1899 the affair took up more and more of the political scene. On 16 February 1899, Félix Faure, the President of France, died.[179] Émile Loubet was elected, which was an advance for the cause of the review as the previous president had been a fierce opponent. On 23 February 1899 at the funeral for Faure, Paul Déroulède attempted to force a coup at the Élysée Palace. It was a failure as it was not supported by the military. On 4 June 1899 Loubet was assaulted at the Longchamp Racecourse. These provocations plus permanent demonstrations from the extreme right, although it never actually put the Republic in danger, created a burst of Republicanism leading to the formation of a "government of republican defence" around Waldeck-Rousseau on 22 June 1899. The center of French politics, including Raymond Poincaré, had aligned itself with the pro-revisionists. The progressive anti-Dreyfusard Republicans such as Jules Méline, were rejected outright. The Dreyfus affair led to a clear reorganization of the French political landscape.[180] "