Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:11 a.m. No.14187339   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7346 >>7594 >>7615 >>7683 >>7697 >>7711 >>7744

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/07/23/huawei-hires-tony-podesta-500649

Huawei hiring former Democratic super lobbyist Tony Podesta

The longtime K St. fixture is back in business after a Mueller-induced hiatus.

Huawei is hiring Democratic lobbyist Tony Podesta as a consultant, according to two people familiar with the matter. Podesta will aim to help the controversial Chinese telecom giant warm relations with the Biden administration.

Podesta will work to advance a variety of the company’s goals in Washington, according to one of the people. He declined to comment. A spokesperson for Huawei also declined to comment.

Huawei faces a host of challenges in Washington. In February 2020, the Justice Department charged the company with violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or RICO — a key DOJ tool for going after organized crime. DOJ alleged that Huawei helped Iran’s authoritarian government build out its domestic surveillance capabilities and tried to secretly do business in North Korea. The Justice Department has also brought charges against the company’s chief financial officer, Meng Wanzhou. She was arrested in Canada, where she is fighting extradition to the U.S. Huawei and Meng maintain their innocence. Huawei has said the accusations are an effort to “irrevocably damage” its reputation and business, as CNBC has reported.

Huawei is not Podesta’s first major China client. Disclosure forms show that his former company also represented the China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF), which funds a host of activities in the U.S. The University of Texas at Austin in 2018 rejected a funding offer from the foundation because of concerns about its links to the Chinese Communist Party, as Inside Higher Ed has reported.

Podesta — a colorful K St. personality known for his loud ties and elaborate art and wine collection — previously helmed the Podesta Group, his eponymous lobbying shop. But in 2017, special counsel Robert Mueller scrutinized the firm for its work with Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign chief Paul Manafort. Manafort’s team enlisted Podesta Group in its efforts to sanitize the reputation of Ukraine’s Russia-friendly president Viktor Yanukovych.

Podesta was not charged with wrongdoing, but shut down his firm and stepped back from lobbying after Manafort’s indictment. He spent several years in the political wilderness, focused on selling art. In early July, he caught the attention of Washington with a splashy New York Times story revealing he wanted to re-enter the fray.

“I don’t want to recreate what I had, but I sort of miss working, and art alone doesn’t sustain me, because I love politics,” he told the Times.

Manafort has also tiptoed back into Washington. Earlier this week, a Daily Caller reporter tweeted a picture of Trump’s ex-campaign head — his signature pompadour faded to gray — dining at a downtown D.C. seafood restaurant. Manafort spent time in prison before Trump pardoned him.

Podesta is expected to soon pick up more clients. He has known President Joe Biden for decades and is friendly with a number of his advisers. Podesta also lives down the street from former President Barack Obama in the glitzy D.C. neighborhood of Kalorama. His brother John was a counselor for Obama as well as chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.

In addition to Podesta, Huawei recently hired several other representatives: the consulting firm of Lee Terry, a former Republican congressman from Nebraska; lawyer Stephen Binhak; Glenn LeMunyon, who was an aide to former House GOP Whip Tom DeLay; and the consulting firm J.S. Held. The company also retains white-shoe law firm Steptoe and Johnson, paying them $60,000 in the second quarter, according to a disclosure. And the firm has connections to power brokers throughout the nation’s capital. Christopher Fonzone, the general counsel for the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, advised the company when he was a lawyer at the firm Sidley Austin. Fonzone told senators he did fewer than 10 hours of work for Huawei. The connection created challenges for his Senate confirmation, but he was still confirmed.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:18 a.m. No.14187356   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7358 >>7371 >>7594 >>7615 >>7683 >>7697 >>7711 >>7744

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/08/us/politics/tony-podesta-lobbying-democrats.html

The Russia Inquiry Ended a Democratic Lobbyist’s Career. He Wants It Back.

Tony Podesta built one of the highest-grossing lobbying firms in Washington over his three decade career. Then it all came crashing down.

The collapse of Tony Podesta’s $42-million-a-year lobbying and public relations firm in 2017 amid a federal investigation shook K Street and rendered him toxic — a rare Democratic victim of the Trump-era scandals.

But that was only the beginning of his troubles.

Mr. Podesta, long an outsized character in the influence industry and Democratic fund-raising, turned to his enormous collection of modern art for solace and income. But when the pandemic sent the art market reeling, he sold the penthouse condo in Washington he had been using to show and sell his collection, and secured a loan from the government’s Paycheck Protection Program for struggling small businesses.

Discussions about consulting gigs and a return to a fund-raising circuit that had turned its back on him were halted by a combination of his declining income, pandemic restrictions and an infection from knee surgery that left him hooked to an intravenous antibiotic drip for months.

To top it off, he said, his email accounts and website were frozen after Chinese cyberthieves launched a wide-ranging phishing campaign using one of his domain names.

“It’s not been an easy time,” Mr. Podesta, 77, said in an interview, recalling a low point when he was being attacked on Twitter by former President Donald J. Trump and a television crew was on his block anticipating an indictment.

But the indictment never came.

The Justice Department dropped its investigation, Mr. Podesta’s health began improving and pandemic restrictions were lifting. Mr. Trump was defeated and Mr. Podesta’s longtime allies took control in Washington.

Now Mr. Podesta is exploring a return to a landscape he once dominated.

“I don’t want to recreate what I had, but I sort of miss working, and art alone doesn’t sustain me, because I love politics,” he said.

The reception he gets could help answer some questions about life in Washington after Mr. Trump. Did the backlash to the open access-peddling and corporate influence of the Trump era result in brighter lines between corporate lobbying, fund-raising and governing? Or has the capital simply returned to the clubby culture in which lobbyist fund-raisers like Mr. Podesta held sway?

Early indicators are mixed.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:19 a.m. No.14187358   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7359 >>7594 >>7615 >>7683 >>7697 >>7711 >>7744

>>14187356

waiver. Nevertheless, he has drawn criticism from progressives and independent watchdogs for selecting former corporate lobbyists, consultants, lawyers and officials for a number of top administration posts, while lobbyists and consultants with close ties to his administration have capitalized on increased demand for their services.

Mr. Podesta, who has known Mr. Biden and some of his closest aides for decades, noted approvingly that the Biden campaign and the Democratic National Committee had accepted a combined $2,750 in donations from him last year, and that he had been welcomed at a virtual fund-raiser hosted by the campaign’s chairman, Steve Ricchetti, a longtime friend who once sold his lobbying firm to Mr. Podesta.

Mr. Ricchetti is now a counselor to Mr. Biden in the White House, while his brother Jeff Ricchetti, a former employee of Mr. Podesta’s lobbying firm, has seen his lobbying income increase significantly.

“They hire all these former lobbyists,” Mr. Podesta said. “They shouldn’t not take money from another former lobbyist.”

Mr. Podesta is not just any former lobbyist.

Over the course of three decades, he built one of the highest-grossing firms in Washington, representing companies and interests across industries and ideologies, including military contractors like Lockheed Martin and Boeing, big banks, a tobacco company, pharmaceutical makers and foreign governments including that of Hosni Mubarak, the authoritarian former Egyptian leader, Myanmar’s military junta and entities connected to the Saudi government.

His firm benefited from the perception that he had access to Democratic administrations and congressional offices — a perception enhanced by his fund-raising and personal connections to top Democrats. In 2016, Mr. Podesta donated or raised nearly $900,000 for the Democratic Party and Hillary Clinton.

Her presidential campaign chairman was Mr. Podesta’s younger brother John, himself a stalwart of Washington’s Democratic establishment.

Both Podesta brothers became characters in the Russia investigation that loomed over much of Mr. Trump’s presidency. Emails stolen from John Podesta’s personal Gmail account by Russian intelligence revealed embarrassing rifts roiling Mrs. Clinton’s presidential campaign and Washington’s Democratic establishment.

Over the years, Tony Podesta became known for his flashy Italian suits and loafers and his pricey collections of art and real estate. At various times, he owned a Louise Bourgeois sculpture that was featured on the cover of the catalog for Sotheby’s prestigious contemporary art evening auction, as well as a three-bedroom condo in Manhattan’s Flatiron district and waterfront homes in Tasmania and Sydney, Australia; Venice, Italy, and the Northern Virginia suburbs of Washington — each adorned with sometimes provocative art from his collection.

While he sold the lakefront home in Northern Virginia in 2007, former neighbors still discuss an installation in his guest bathroom consisting of a closed-circuit video camera installed inside a toilet allowing users to observe their bodily processes from a unique angle.

His primary residence now, a 7,000-square-foot house in Washington’s Kalorama neighborhood, houses a rotating display of his art, as well a wine cellar with thousands of bottles.

The art and the real estate attracted wide attention during Mr. Podesta’s headline-grabbing divorce from his second wife, Heather, 26 years his junior, in 2014, which involved teams of lawyers.

His firm’s demise stemmed primarily from its involvement in one strand of the special counsel’s investigation. The firm took on a client with ties to Viktor F. Yanukovych, who was president of Ukraine, in 2012, but initially failed to register with the Justice Department under foreign lobbying laws and found itself in the midst of a tangled investigation involving the Republican lobbyists Paul Manafort and Rick Gates, who had worked for Mr. Yanukovych’s political party before joining the Trump campaign and becoming central targets of the investigation by the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III.

Though Mr. Podesta’s firm had disclosed the client under less-detailed congressional lobbying rules and retroactively registered with the Justice Department, that did not stop the special counsel’s office from subpoenaing the records and employees of his firm and others that worked with Mr. Manafort and Mr. Gates.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:19 a.m. No.14187359   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7594 >>7615 >>7683 >>7697 >>7711 >>7744

>>14187358

President Biden, who came to office with decades-long ties to Washington’s Democratic establishment, pledged not to accept campaign money from lobbyists or to allow them to serve in government agencies they had recently lobbied without aMr. Podesta questioned the motives and methods behind the special counsel’s investigation. He referred to one of the investigation’s lead prosecutors, Andrew Weismann, as “Inspector Javert,” the police character in Les Misérables who became obsessed with ensuring the capture and punishment of a parolee who had been convicted of stealing bread to feed his family.

“I didn’t even steal a loaf of bread,” Mr. Podesta said, asserting that he was targeted at least partly because the special counsel “thought it was a good idea to have a Democrat, clearly.”

Mr. Podesta said his firm’s finances were stretched thin, partly because it paid as much as $5 million in legal fees for employees who were subpoenaed by prosecutors, and partly because the investigation spooked clients, who left the firm.

Mr. Manafort and Mr. Gates were charged with unregistered foreign lobbying, tax fraud and other crimes in October 2017. The indictment identified the Podesta Group and a firm with which it worked on the Ukraine effort, Mercury Public Affairs, though not by name, as having worked as part of a “scheme” with Mr. Manafort and Mr. Gates to gain support for Mr. Yanukovych, while evading foreign lobbying disclosure requirements.

Within a day, the Podesta Group’s bank, citing the special counsel’s investigation and the draining of the firm’s accounts to pay the staff’s legal fees, canceled its credit line, rendering the firm illiquid, Mr. Podesta said.

He told his employees in a staff meeting that he was stepping back from the firm, citing attacks from Mr. Trump and his allies in the conservative media as making it “impossible to run a public affairs shop,” according to people in attendance.

The firm almost immediately began winding down. Mr. Podesta’s art was removed from its office walls and employees began leaving en masse, with a number of them banding together to start a new firm.

“We lost some clients over this, but the bank stuff was the killer,” Mr. Podesta recalled.

Months later, the special counsel referred the investigation of Mr. Podesta’s firm and Mercury to federal prosecutors in Manhattan. They conducted more interviews with lobbyists who worked on the Ukraine account, but informed Mr. Podesta, Mercury and their lobbyists in September 2019 that they would not be charged.

In the meantime, art had gone from being a hobby to a profession for Mr. Podesta, who sold the Bourgeois sculpture for $5.6 million. He had purchased it for $238,000 in 1994, he said, adding that he would have preferred to have donated it to the National Museum of Women in the Arts, to which he has made previous donations. That way, he said, “everyone could see it. Now it’s in some rich person’s home.”

He said, “In my life, I’ve donated a lot of more to museums than I’ve sold. In the last few years, I’ve probably sold more than I’ve donated.”

He continued paying his curator, Debra Corrie, whose salary had previously been paid partly by the firm. They relocated some of his art and their offices to a penthouse condo in Washington that Mr. Podesta bought for $2.6 million in 2018, where they showed the art by appointment.

Mr. Podesta said he was relying on art sales as his primary source of income, supplemented by Social Security and some investment income.

But when the pandemic hit, “the buyers all sort of left,” he said.

He sold the penthouse condo at a slight loss, unloaded his Flatiron district condo and secured a P.P.P. loan of nearly $43,000 to help cover his own salary, Ms. Corrie’s and that of a part-time employee, as well as rental fees and utilities at a professional art storage facility.

He said he did not think the loan ran afoul of the program’s mission of helping small struggling businesses. “Lots of people much bigger than I got loans,” he said, including Washington lobbying shops, high-priced law firms and special-interest groups like those with which he used to work.

Lately, he’s been operating his art dealership out of his Kalorama home, where his neighbors include the Obamas, and where he hosted a recent dinner for collectors and museum officials highlighting the works of Brian Dailey, a Washington-based visual artist whose work was featured in a Washington gallery show and on a monitor in Mr. Podesta’s kitchen.

Looking back at the investigation into his Ukraine lobbying that forced his exit from lobbying, he said “if I had known what I know now, I never would have taken this client,” adding “there were all sorts of places where errors were made, but there was no malice.”

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:20 a.m. No.14187369   🗄️.is đź”—kun

— Early last month the Biden administration sought to put such restrictions on more solid legal footing by banning American investment in Chinese companies with ties to the military or that operate in the defense or surveillance technology sectors. It also transferred enforcement of the policy and responsibility for identifying companies subject to the ban to OFAC, potentially easing the path for new sanctions.

 

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/06/03/biden-restricting-investment-chinese-firms-491784

 

Biden broadens Trump policy restricting investment in Chinese firms

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:23 a.m. No.14187375   🗄️.is đź”—kun

https://www.law.com/nationallawjournal/2021/06/22/biden-intelligence-gc-criticized-for-huawei-work-discloses-sidley-austin-compensation/

Biden Intelligence GC, Criticized for Huawei Work, Discloses Sidley Austin Compensation

Christopher Fonzone reported more than $400,000 in compensation from his work in Sidley Austin’s privacy and cybersecurity group.

A Sidley Austin partner confirmed by the Senate on Tuesday as general counsel to the intelligence community reported more than $400,000 in compensation from the firm, where he represented technology and communications companies including Apple, Twitter and AT&T, according to a financial statement.

Christopher Fonzone, who has been a partner in Sidley Austin’s privacy and cybersecurity group since 2017, had prominent legal roles in the Obama administration including deputy assistant and deputy counsel to the president, and legal adviser to the National Security Council. His nomination to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence was confirmed by a vote of 55 to 45.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:25 a.m. No.14187378   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7382

https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2018/01/16/ut-austin-rejects-funding-chinese-government-linked-foundation

UT Austin says it will not accept funding from a foundation after concerns were raised about its connections to the Chinese Communist Party.

The University of Texas at Austin will not accept potential funding from a Hong Kong-based foundation after concerns were raised about the foundation’s links to the Chinese Communist Party and its alleged foreign influence activities.

The decision followed a debate among faculty members over whether to accept funding from the China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF) for UT Austin’s recently established China Public Policy Center. The foundation is chaired by Tung Chee Hwa, the vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, a government advisory body, and the first chief executive of Hong Kong following the handover from Britain to China. The foundation is registered as a foreign principal representing China under the terms of the U.S. Federal Agents Registration Act.

“We weren’t all unanimous, but I think most of us, myself included, felt that it would be inappropriate to take core funding from the China-U.S. Exchange Foundation,” said Robert Hutchings, the Walt and Elspeth Rostow Chair in National Security and professor of public affairs at UT Austin and a former U.S. ambassador-at-large for Eastern Europe in the early 1990s. “I’m not a specialist on China, but I dealt with the U.S.S.R. for a lot of my career, and the same logic applies. There’s nothing wrong with collaborating with a center like that on individual projects they go in 50 percent, we go in 50 percent but the idea of taking core center funding from an organization like that or really any other organization that is controlled by another government would be contrary to the independence you want to have.”

Hutchings described this as a story of “an academic enterprise at a university wanting to maintain its independence and academic integrity and not accept money from a source that might be trying to use the center for its own agenda. That’s what we wanted to avoid.”

The Washington Post first reported that UT Austin would not accept funding from CUSEF in an opinion piece Sunday evening. As part of that piece the Post published a Jan. 2 letter from Senator Ted Cruz to UT Austin President Greg Fenves in which Cruz expressed his concerns that the university’s China Public Policy Center was considering a partnership with the foundation "given its affiliation with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) United Front system and its registration as an agent of a foreign principal." The letter from Cruz notes Tung's vice chairmanship of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, "an organization," Cruz wrote, "which works closely with the United Front, the structure the CCP utilizes to manage foreign influence operations."

“Given reports that the Center is considering a partnership with CUSEF, an affiliate of the PRC, I express concern over the potential for Chinese governmental access to UT-Austin’s education system, which may lead to undue foreign influence and exploitation,” wrote Cruz, a Republican from Texas.

Fenves responded to Cruz in a Jan. 12 letter, saying that he shared the senator’s concerns and has “been reviewing them since the center and the LBJ School for Public Affairs first approached me about potential funding from CUSEF. In the past two months, I have spoken with U.S. intelligence officials, talked with faculty experts on U.S.-China relations and American national security, and read the media coverage and policy research reports about CUSEF.”

“Based on that review, I had decided prior to receiving your letter that the university will not accept programmatic funding from CUSEF,” Fenves wrote. “Neither will we accept any funds for travel, student exchanges or other initiatives from the organization.”

Fenves wrote that external funding is crucial to the university’s work. “We must, however, also ensure that the receipt of outside funding does not create potential conflicts of interest or place limits on academic freedom and the robust exchange of ideas. I am concerned about this if we were to accept funding from CUSEF.”

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:27 a.m. No.14187382   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7385

>>14187378

The director of UT Austin’s China Public Policy Center, David J. Firestein, referred questions about the matter to UT Austin's spokesman.

The “programs” section of CUSEF’s website includes information about the foundation's activities funding policy research, “high-level dialogues,” exchange programs and educational activities, many of these things in partnership with American universities or think tanks. In November Foreign Policy published an article examining CUSEF's ties to the Chinese Communist Party and the United Front in relation to the foundation's recent gift to the Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. SAIS accepted CUSEF funding for an endowed professorship in China studies and for a new research project called the Pacific Community Initiative. (The head of SAIS’s China studies program, David Lampton, told Foreign Policy there were no strings attached to the funding: “There are absolutely no conditions or limitations imposed upon the Pacific Community Initiative or our faculty members by reason of a gift or otherwise,” Lampton was quoted as saying. “We have full confidence in the academic integrity and independence of these endeavors.”)

The person who answered CUSEF’s phone number Monday evening said the organization has “no comment for now.” That person declined to give his name. The foundation did not respond to email inquiries.

However, a spokesperson for the organization told Foreign Policy it does not have “any connections” to the United Front. “We do not aim to promote or support the policies of any one government,” the spokesperson is quoted as saying.

The Post cited a spokesperson for CUSEF saying that it is not a Chinese government agent and that it is supported by donors who think a positive relationship between the U.S. and China "is essential for global well-being."

CUSEF's website describes its mission as "facilitating open and constructive exchange among policymakers, business leaders, academics, think tanks, cultural figures, and educators from the United States and China."

The decision by UT Austin not to accept CUSEF’s money comes amid increasing concerns about the Chinese Communist Party's crackdown on academic freedom at home and its efforts to exert influence over teaching and research done outside its borders.

Jonathan Sullivan, the director of the China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham, said he thinks UT Austin made "the right decision, given the nature of the center the money was intended to fund."

“The connections that this organization has to the Chinese government and the United Front apparatus make it an inappropriate funder of academic and policy work in the area of Chinese public policy,” Sullivan said via email.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:27 a.m. No.14187385   🗄️.is đź”—kun

>>14187382

“The United Front is responsible for establishing influence overseas – it has a broad and explicit mandate to cultivate relationships, influence narratives, co-opt individuals, establish leverage wherever it can. The United Front apparatus is extensive, subtle and insidious. But crucially it operates in a long timeframe. The cultivation of particular views, getting people to come around to your way of thinking etc. takes careful nurturing. Thus I don’t think there is any question that UT (or SAIS at JHU, which did take CUSEF money if I recall) would have suddenly started pumping out CCP propaganda. But in the long run the idea is to create a more friendly environment for China’s positions,” Sullivan said.

Sullivan added that he would “make a distinction between funding that can be traced back to United Front organs and 'normal' Chinese scientific funding. There is nothing wrong with Chinese funding for a cure for cancer. But in the area of public policy, international relations and other areas that are vulnerable to political proclivities, receiving funding from a source that you know has strong preferences and a remit to use funding to inculcate support for those preferences, is inappropriate in my view.”

"The main issue isn’t whether your campus is going to be influenced, necessarily. It's what is the general source of this money and if it’s far enough away from the PRC, which is a known bad actor with regard to academic freedom," said James A. Millward, a professor of history at the Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and a China specialist. "Is Tung Chee Hwa's foundation far enough away from that that you can feel good about taking his money to study China?"

"Tung Chee Hwa is not just a rich guy giving away his money," Millward said. "He's a former chief executive of Hong Kong; he’s currently vice chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which is one of China's two rubber-stamp assemblies, so he is currently holding the second of two very high-ranking positions in the Chinese political sphere. He’s largely said to have close contact with Beijing; he’s rumored in the Hong Kong press to be a kingmaker for chief executives of Hong Kong after him, including the current one."

“I guess what I would say to universities that are tempted by this is, is there really no way we can fund Chinese studies in the United States without having the Chinese Communist Party fund it?” Millward asked. “We’re not exactly in a situation analogous to the Cold War with the Soviet Union, but we did not fund the study of Russian language and the Soviet Union for all of those decades with grants from the Soviet Union.”

Gary Susswein, a spokesman for UT Austin, said the university remains committed to finding other sources of funding for the China Public Policy Center, which formally opened in August.

"Our decision not to take the funding from CUSEF does not mean that we are shying away from the study of issues surrounding China," Susswein said. "The policy center is up and running and we’re exploring other funding for it. It’s a university commitment to study issues related to China."

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:48 a.m. No.14187443   🗄️.is đź”—kun

Toka — born out of Israel’s national security state

The company was co-founded by Ehud Barak, Alon Kantor, Kfir Waldman and retired IDF Brigadier General Yaron Rosen. Rosen, the firm’s founding CEO and now co-CEO, is the former Chief of the IDF’s cyber staff, where he was “the lead architect of all [IDF] cyber activities,” including those executed by Israeli military intelligence Unit 8200. Alon Kantor is the former Vice President of Business Development for Check Point Software, a software and hardware company founded by Unit 8200 veterans. Kfir Waldman is the former CEO of Go Arc and a former Director of Engineering at technology giant Cisco.

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 2:51 a.m. No.14187452   🗄️.is đź”—kun   >>7454 >>7466 >>7471

Carbyne911, or simply Carbyne, develops call-handling and identification capabilities for emergency response services in countries around the world, including the United States, where it has already been implemented in several U.S. counties and has partnered with major U.S. tech companies like Google. It specifically markets its product as a way of mitigating mass shootings in the United States without having to change existing U.S. gun laws.

 

Yet, Carbyne is no ordinary tech company, as it is deeply connected to the elite Israeli military intelligence division, Unit 8200, whose “alumni” often go on to create tech companies — Carbyne among them — that frequently maintain their ties to Israeli intelligence and, according to Israeli media reports and former employees, often “blur the line” between their service to Israel’s defense/intelligence apparatus and their commercial activity. As this report will reveal, Carbyne is but one of several Israeli tech companies marketing themselves as a technological solution to mass shootings that has direct ties to Israeli intelligence agencies.

 

https://carbyne911.com/

https://twitter.com/carbyne911

https://www.instagram.com/carbyne911/

Anonymous ID: cb230d July 24, 2021, 3:14 a.m. No.14187518   🗄️.is đź”—kun

"Amnesty International categorically stands by the findings of the Pegasus Project, and that the data is irrefutably linked to potential targets of NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware. The false rumours being pushed on social media are intended to distract from the widespread unlawful targeting of journalists, activists and others that the Pegasus Project has revealed."