dChan
Anonymous ID: 7c8761 Dec. 13, 2023, 12:18 p.m. No.20069476   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>9571 >>9596 >>9625 >>9655 >>9678

Did the ADL manufacture a White Supremacy and White Nationalism threat?

ADL dig

 

The Anti-Defamation League Is Not What It Seems

  • The ADL’s ubiquity in U.S. discussions of white supremacy is exceeded only by the Klan’s:more than two-thirds of the 46,000 articles on white supremacists or white nationalists posted in the past year have referenced the ADL. That coverage has spiked by 1500 percent in 2019 alone, based on Factiva database searches for terms “white nationalist” and “white supremacist.”

 

…the ADL sought out or welcomed ways to participate in the administration of the state. It collaborated with the House Un-American Activities Committee in the late 1940s and 1950s; it also tried and largely failed for several decades to interest the FBI in considering it a partner in monitoring threats. (FBI files made public under Freedom of Information Act requests document some of these efforts.) It found an opening in civil rights work where, ten years after the Voting Rights Act, ongoing racial conflict andwhite supremacist violence produced a new wave of demands for state action.

 

https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/emmaia-gelman-anti-defamation-league/

Anonymous ID: 7c8761 Dec. 13, 2023, 12:46 p.m. No.20069571   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>9596 >>9598 >>9625 >>9655 >>9678

>>20069476

ADL dig on white nationalism cont.

 

In 1979 the ADL began producing an annual Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents. These audits, which found that anti-Semitism was “on the rise” nearly every year, were soon taken up by media and policymakers as a measure of how well the United States was living up to its values of racial inclusion, and how imminently threatening were latent fascist forces—code, at different times, for Nazis, Communists, the U.S. left, and more recently Muslim extremism.

 

These audits remain a potent force in U.S. politics, despite periodic critiques that their methodology and raw data are not made public. Critics have noted that the ADL does not distinguish between teenage pranks designed to shock, such as swastika graffiti, and attacks grounded in bias, nor between expressions of bias and material violence. In the press, the ADL also counts calls for Palestinian rights, and even criticism of the ADL itself, as anti-Semitic incidents.

Presumably these are included in the annual count. News media rarely look beyond the numbers, though, as they report “spikes” and“dramatic increases” which correctly remind readers, even if the data are spurious, that white supremacy persists.

 

Beginning in the mid-’80s, the ADL launched work on hate crimes legislation. Initially its focus was on escalating small aggressions, again mostly by teens, as a matter of state concern.

 

Its legislative campaign, though, coincided with a surge in anti-black, anti-immigrant, and anti-gay violence and white supremacy and a sense of urgency in pushing disinterested law enforcement to deal with them.

The ADL pivoted to include racial and ethnic groups in its “hate crimes” approach, and was finally convinced to include queers. When the first federal hate crimes law passed in 1990, the ADL had become one of just a few major advocates defining the language and politics around it.

 

https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/emmaia-gelman-anti-defamation-league/