tyb
is suicide weekend is coming.?
Graveyard shift activated.
loitering mode engaged.
o7
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DELTA WATCH - 26TH AUG - 2 POSTS
2 post(s) found containing "Aug 26".
https://operationq.pub/?q=Aug%2026
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1933
Aug 26, 2018 11:46:38 AM EDT
Q !!mG7VJxZNCI ID: 2a2c4f No. 2743167
Suicide weekend?
Hands up?
[30]
[0:28]
Impossible?
Coincidence?
We are in control.
BIG week ahead.
Q>>23509653
oooh bravehart
light the beacons
hoist the flags
Raise the colours
Fly the Flags.
The message is the same.
They use the flag and symbolism to demoralize.
The silent majority will speak at the next election,
2024 was a example..
THE B.I.S,THE FEDERAL RESERVE AND THE ECH (EUROPEON CENTRAL BANK
Note: The b.i.s is the bank of the central banks, the ECH is the same, untouchable, but the federal reserve is not.. something to keep in mind. a little history from the book. The Tower of Basel by adam lebor.
connected to the firing of lisa cook, the dei federal governor..
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https://archive.org/details/tower-of-basel-the-shadowy-history-of-the-secret-bank-that-runs/page/n172/mode/1up?view=theater
Bundesbank was extremely influential in the design of the ECB. The Bundesbank ensured that the ECB’s “primary objective,” as the ECB notes on its website, is to “maintain price stability” with inflation rates below 2 percent. (The Federal Reserve, in contrast, has a dual mandate of combating unemployment and inflation.) “The Germans take a very narrow view of the proper role of central banks, that it is to do almost exclusively with the preservation of price stability,” said William White. “That comes from their history and experience of hyperinflation.”
To whom then is the ECB democratically accountable? In effect, nobody. The ECB’s Governing Council has direct control over the tools of monetary policy. It is prohibited from taking advice from Eurozone governments.42 The European Parliament has no meaningful authority over the ECB. “The ECB enjoys an extraordinary amount of independence,” wrote Professor Anne Sibert, an expert on bank governance, in a 2009 paper. “It has an unusual amount of target independence; its degree of operational independence is probably unprecedented; it is almost completely financially independent; it is nearly functionally independent,” meaning that the ECB has control over most instruments of monetary policy and the freedom to use them as it sees fit.4
continuedhttps://nerv.8kun.top/file_store/f7b4d1b3ec31397c2094138cb1bed0a09f590593d52dcefc8de2568c9d91310e.png
the ECB’s “input legitimacy” has steadily evaporated.
In a nod to democracy, it was decided that the Maastricht Treaty needed to be ratified by all twelve EU members. But only three of the signatories trusted their citizens sufficiently to hold a referendum. Perhaps the politicians anticipated the results. Denmark narrowly rejected the treaty in 1992, with 50.7 percent voting no. France stunned the federalists when just 51 percent of the population voted in favor. Only Ireland was enthusiastic, with a 68.7 percent vote. The remaining nine members delegated the vote to their parliaments, all of which approved the treaty. Denmark voted again the following year. Copenhagen negotiated four opt-outs from the treaty, including the right not to join the European Union. This time the yes vote won, with 56.7 percent.
The ongoing experience of European union seemed only to dampen its citizens’ enthusiasm. In 2005 France and the Netherlands both voted no in referenda on the new European constitution, which would have replaced previous treaties and further accelerated the federalization process. European officials then stepped around this by renaming the constitution as the Lisbon Treaty and arguing that it merely amended previous treaties—thus there was no need for referenda. Only Ireland held a referendum on Lisbon, in June 2008, when 53.4 percent voted no. After sufficient political and pressure was applied, a second referendum was held in October 2009. This time Irish voters voted yes.
The more the European politicians and officials talked of democracy, it seemed, the less the citizens of the continent were able to exercise it. But the course of events in postwar Europe had been decided decades before the ECB opened for business.
Back in October 1941, Thomas McKittrick had received an inquiry from a friend of his living in Louisville, Kentucky, asking about the plans for the postwar financial system. The BIS president replied, “People everywhere are talking about federalisation accompanied by partial abrogation of national sovereignty. . . . The extent to which national sovereignty in this direction is limited must fix the boundaries of international financial authority.” 7
For Europe at least, those bounds were now fixed, permanently, at the ECB’s headquarters in the Eurotower at Willy-Brandt-Platz, in downtown Frankfurt. But despite the technocrats’ best efforts, real life was proving more complicated than the bank’s monetary framework for the new Europe. Germans saved; Greeks spent. Italians did not pay their taxes. The French refused to give up their sixweek holidays. Germany and France both broke the Stability and Growth Pact’s rules governing public debt. But some things were immutable. The ECB’s price obsession, engraved in its statutes, to keep inflation below 2 percent, forced Eurozone governments to slash public services and cut public spending. That in turn reduced consumer demand, stalled economic growth, increased unemployment and triggered a slide into recession that has resulted in Europe’s gravest political and economic crisis since 1945.
end
correction.
ECB..
MEANWHILE, IN FRANKFURT, the European Central Bank flourished. The ECB is now one of the world’s most powerful central banks. It manages monetary policy for seventeen Eurozone members, an area that reaches from the Atlantic coast of Portugal to the Turkish frontier, and which is home to more than 330 million people.
The influence of the BIS, the ECB’s parent bank, is clear. The ECB is an ultramodern, even a postmodern institution—as Paul Volcker noted—a central bank without a country or national reserves. It is the ultimate financial expression of Jean Monnet’s supranational dream. But the ECB’s founding ethos is firmly rooted in the Norman-Schacht era. Its structure, modus operandi, and lack of accountability mirror that of the BIS. Like the BIS, the ECB is rigorously protected by international law, in its case the Maastricht Treaty that founded the European Union.
This is partly because the ECB was always a political as much as a monetary construct, rooted in trade-offs and behind-the-scenes deals. As the most powerful central bank in Europe, the
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Below is the first chapter..
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Bundesbank was extremely influential in the design of the ECB.
>>23510248, >>23510234, >>23510237 the b.i.s, the ECB, the Federal reserve. - section from the tower of basel - bun in correct order.