>>24692419

>Who is correct? PRESIDENT TRUMP

>We have over 800 findings in support of President Trump of which over 550 are ESTABLISHED FACT.

Made possible by the Lindell Offense Fund

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The Big Lie: “You’ve never presented evidence that the 2020 election was rigged”

Patrick Colbeck

June 7, 2026

During a June 7, 2026 interview of President Trump in Wisconsin by NBC News Reporter Kristen Welker, Welker repeated made the assertion that there was “no evidence that the 2020 election was rigged.”

President Trump responded that “there’s nothing but evidence.”

After repeated assertions by Welker that there was no evidence and President Trump asserting that there is plenty of evidence, President Trump had had enough and walked off the set…accidentally crushing the microphone on his way out.

Here’s a clip from the exchange.

Who was right?

President Trump.

There is plenty of evidence that the 2020 election was rigged.

Media outlets such as NBC News have largely suppressed news of this evidence.

This is not mere conjecture. It is a fact and this fact is detailed in a Congressional Report. When Republicans regained control of the U.S. House in the wake of the 2022 election, they formed a committee called The Weaponization of Government. Among the investigations that were conducted under the auspices of this committee was an investigation into theElection Integrity Partnership (EIP).

The congressional investigation culminated in a report that says EIP functioned as a way for government‑aligned actors to accomplish censorship that federal agencies “could not do themselves” because of First Amendment constraints. It cites evidence that EIP and related projects received federal funding (often routed via CISA or DHS‑linked grants to universities or nonprofits), and that a Stanford-affiliated figure described EIP’s purpose as “to fill the gap of things that the government could not do themselves.” The report argues that by “laundering” government preferences through universities and nonprofits and then into platform moderation pipelines, agencies effectively outsourced viewpoint‑based content suppression while trying to avoid direct constitutional liability.

The EIP featuredfour major stakeholder groupsto accomplish its mission of suppressing the release of election fraud evidence.Please note that “Media” includes organizations such as NBC News.

The EIP is among the many reasons that many Americans are still not aware of the vast amounts of evidence that the 2020 election was indeed stolen.

The 2020 Election Was Stolen

President Trump is correct…and we have the evidence to support him.

Under Mike Lindell’s leadership, the Election Crime Bureau has assembledover 800 findings in support of the assertion that the 2020 election was stolen.

Of these 800+ findings, over 550 are ESTABLISHED FACT.

These findings are backed by over 2,500 citations (15% of which are from government sources such as court proceedings or congressional reports)…and this is simply the evidence that we have been able to obtain via Open Source Intelligence (OSINT). Government authorities have access to a significantly larger trove of evidence.

The Evidence

The 2020 election was an attack upon our system government. The evidence reveals that the attack occurred across multiple vectors. The theft of the election involved much more than illegal voters, machines, and drop boxes. The theft of the 2020 election was a grand conspiracy that also involved information control, financing, foreign interference, privatized election operations not subject to public oversight, corrupt election officials, and sedition.

Each of the 800+ findings in support of President Trump’s assertion that there is evidence that the 2020 election was stolen has been posted under “EVIDENCE” at ElectionCrimeBureau.com. See for yourself.

Review Evidence

Now it is time to leverage this information that has been collected by #MeddlingKids all over the world in support of the Accountability Phase of 2020 election investigations.

President Trump was right.

There is plenty of evidence in support of the assertion that the 2020 election was stolen.

We have it.

Now you have it…and this is just the tip of the iceberg!

>>24692419

>See for yourself at the following link:

>electioncrimebureau.com/the-bi

>>24692575

>The Big Lie: “You’ve never presented evidence that the 2020 election was rigged”

https://electioncrimebureau.com/the-big-lie-youve-never-presented-evidence-that-the-2020-election-was-rigged/

https://electioncrimebureau.com/evidence/

>>24692419

>>24692575

>>24692582

>>24692590

Seditious Conspiracy Analysis

Patrick Colbeck

May 12, 2026

Across the Seditious Conspiracy pre‑election, Election Day, and post‑election phases, the findings depict a single, multi‑stage operational network that deliberately positioned itself to control both the administration of the 2020 election and the constitutional processes for contesting and certifying its outcome, using a blend of pre‑planned mobilization, insider access, and information dominance that rises to the investigative threshold for 18 U.S.C. 2384.

From a national security perspective, the collective impact is that a domestic “inside–outside” architecture—federal employees and contractors on the inside, NGOs/union/activist coalitions on the outside, and private vendors embedded in the infrastructure—demonstrably worked to prevent, hinder, or delay execution of federal election laws and the Electoral Count Act through intimidation, obstruction, and pre‑planned physical disruption, while simultaneously degrading every institutional mechanism (forensic records, courts, public information, and intelligence reporting) that should have detected or corrected misconduct. This creates a durable vulnerability: adversarial foreign services no longer need to design a coup architecture themselves; they can exploit and amplify an existing domestic network that has already shown it can shape outcomes and narratives around the transfer of power faster than the U.S. security and justice systems can respond.

MOST SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS

1

“The Count” Pre-Election Manifesto Explicitly Planned to Make It Physically Impossible for Congress to Meet

A document titled “The Count,” authored by Real Justice PAC operatives and circulated to the 148-partner Protect the Results coalition before Election Day, instructed activists to “stage protests inside the Capitol” and make it “physically impossible for Congress to meet” in the event the incumbent contested the outcome. The Protect the Results coalition — including Indivisible, MoveOn.org, Stand Up America, and the SEIU — launched June 12, 2020 and was committed in writing to trigger street-level mass mobilization if the result was challenged. AFL-CIO senior adviser Mike Podhorzer,described by Time magazine as the “architect” of the shadow campaign, ran the Fight Back Table and Democracy Defense Coalition from a single Washington, D.C. address, drafted internal memos predicting specific battleground-state outcomes before the votes were counted, and mobilized union members for deployment to counting centers. The constitutional target of the pre-election planning network — preventing congressional certification — was achieved on January 6, 2021.

2

ShutDown DC GIS Infrastructure Mapping — Pre-Election Targeting of Capitol Chokepoints and National Guard Suppression Strategy

ShutDown DC used ArcGIS geographic information software to map bridges, government buildings, transportation chokepoints, and telecommunications nodes in Washington, D.C. before the election — a level of pre-operational infrastructure targeting inconsistent with spontaneous protest. Organizer Lisa Fithian conducted “Escalating Resistance” trainings addressing “Hong Kong-style” riot tactics and blockade techniques; separate training sessions explicitly addressed protocols designed to prevent deployment of the National Guard against protesters, citing prior occupation of the Wisconsin State Capitol as an operational blueprint. Federal employees from multiple agencies attended these sessions and self-identified their employing agencies during the trainings — creating documented Hatch Act exposure. Pre-election simulation exercises specifically modeled post-election unrest in Philadelphia (“Liberty City Antifa”) and Wisconsin (“Wisconsin United”), the exact jurisdictions that became Election Night operational flashpoints.

3

Six National Guard Requests Denied — Security Withheld During the Decisive Constitutional Window

>>24692611

>Six National Guard Requests Denied — Security Withheld During the Decisive Constitutional Window

United States Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund submitted six formal requests for National Guard assistance — both in advance of and during January 6, 2021 — all of which were denied by the House and Senate Sergeants at Arms, with the stated justification of political “optics.” Department of Defense deployment was delayed more than seventy minutes after the Capitol breach began. The net constitutional effect of the breach was the permanent termination of scheduled congressional proceedings that would have allowed formal debate over electoral certification from multiple battleground states — precisely the outcome the pre-election planning documents had identified as the strategic objective. The alignment between the documented pre-election National Guard suppression planning by Fithian and affiliated organizations, and the actual denial of National Guard deployment on January 6, constitutes circumstantial evidence of coordinated intent under 18 U.S.C. § 2384.

4

Election Night Observer Exclusion in Pre-War-Gamed Cities — TCF Center, State Farm Arena, Philadelphia

For seven months before the election, Podhorzer’s network ran weekly scenario-planning sessions explicitly modeled on Detroit, Milwaukee, and Philadelphia — the exact counting centers that became Election Night flashpoints. At Detroit’s TCF Center, Republican challengers were denied re-entry under a capacity rationale while windows were covered with cardboard and pizza boxes; a Podhorzer-network contact mobilized reinforcements to the site within 45 minutes of a Republican challenger surge. A written document titled “Tactics to Distract GOP Challengers” was observed by sworn witnesses on the TCF floor. At Atlanta’s State Farm Arena, a Fulton election worker announced counting was done for the night, most observers left, then sealed ballot containers were retrieved for continued scanning — a sequence the Secretary of State’s own field monitor recorded contemporaneously. At Philadelphia, credentialed observers were held 15–18 feet from counting tables during active counting.

5

Post-Election Record Destruction and Congressional Letter Containing 42 Alleged False Statements

In Antrim County, Michigan, every server security log prior to 11:03 p.m. on November 4, 2020, and every 2020 adjudication log were systematically deleted. In Maricopa County, EMS database logs were overwritten or cleared after the Arizona Senate’s subpoena issued. In Delaware County, Pennsylvania, a named witness testified under oath that 2020 election materials were torn and subsequently burned in a pit. Fulton County, Georgia defied a DOJ subpoena for post-election records. On January 6, 2021, Georgia’s Secretary of State transmitted a letter to Congress asserting no fraud or irregularities had occurred; VoterGA researchers identified 42 alleged false statements, and the letter omitted the Georgia Senate Ligon Report and more than 250 open fraud investigations. The House Select Committee on January 6 then failed to archive critical witness transcripts — including Secret Service testimony — while sharing unarchived materials with a state district attorney prosecuting the former President.

WHY SUBSTANTIVE RESOLUTION IS ESSENTIAL

Election systems were designated critical infrastructure by DHS in January 2017 on the premise that both the machinery of the vote and the constitutional processes for certifying it must be protected from interference. The Seditious Conspiracy findings document a multi-stage operational architecture — pre-election planning, Election Day execution, and post-election record destruction — that targeted every layer of that protection in the decisive jurisdictions. Observer access was controlled at counting centers that had been war-gamed for seven months. The records that would have allowed the count to be tested were subsequently destroyed. The constitutional proceeding was terminated by a breach whose net effect was precisely the outcome the pre-election planning network had modeled.

NATIONAL SECURITY IMPLICATION: An adversarial foreign intelligence service does not need to design a coup architecture from scratch if a domestic network has already demonstrated it can shape electoral outcomes, control the information environment, and foreclose the constitutional challenge process faster than U.S. security institutions can respond. The Seditious Conspiracy record documents that such a network existed, operated, and achieved its modeled objectives in 2020. The documented architecture — insider federal employees, NGO coalitions, private contractors, and a pre-mapped physical security plan — remains intact, unindicted, and available for exploitation or reactivation.

https://electioncrimebureau.com/sedition-analysis/

>>24692611

>Seditious Conspiracy Analysis

>>24692613

Eric Coomer Contradictions: 2022 vs 2026 Testimony

Patrick Colbeck

March 19, 2026

There is significant evidence of contradictory sworn statements made by Dr. Eric Coomer, a former high-ranking official at Dominion Voting Systems, across two legal proceedings: a 2022 grand jury and a 2026 civil deposition. The following analysis reveals a substantial shift in testimony regarding four critical areas: internet connectivity and “air gaps,” Dominion’s access to live jurisdictional data, Dr. Coomer’s specific technical role, and the involvement of foreign development teams in U.S. election software.

In 2022, Dr. Coomer’s testimony was characterized by categorical denials of remote access and internet connectivity. By 2026, he admitted to the existence of Virtual Private Network (VPN) configurations, Remote Access Servers (RAS), and secure FTP infrastructure used to transmit live tally data.Furthermore, while Dr. Coomer identified as a “Chief Software Architect” in 2022, he explicitly denied writing code or designing systems in 2026. These discrepancies represent a material departure from the narrative provided to the grand jury investigating election interference.

2022 Testimony

2026 Testimony

Internet Connectivity and the “Air Gap” Assertion

The most significant contradictions involve the physical and digital isolation of voting equipment.In 2022, the testimony presented the systems as entirely closed; in 2026, the existence of remote access capabilities was acknowledged.

The “Never Connected” Claim

In 2022, Dr. Coomer provided unqualified denials regarding internet connectivity for ImageCast Precinct (ICP) and ImageCast X (ICX) machines:

2022 Statement: “The individual ICX’s and ICP’s… are not ever connected to the internet.”

2026 Admission: Dr. Coomer confirmed that during a 2020 primary in a major city, a VPN was configured specifically for him to remotely access the Election Management System (EMS). He noted that city IT staff discussed how they could “break that air gap and allow [him] to VPN into the server.”

Remote Access Servers (RAS) and Modems

While the 2022 testimony suggested a completely air-gapped environment, the 2026 deposition detailed specific infrastructure used for remote transmission:

Deployment of RAS: Coomer admitted that “Sequoia fielded some number of RAS servers” in Minnesota, and potentially Michigan and Alaska.

Analog Modems: These servers were required to accept transmissions of unofficial results from jurisdictions using analog modems.

Test Environments: Contractors had the ability to remote into test hardware and systems within Dominion offices.

Feature

2022 Grand Jury Testimony

2026 Civil Deposition

Internet Connection

Absolute “No.”

Admitted VPN was configured as a contingency.

Air Gap

Presented as impenetrable and absolute.

Acknowledged plans to “break” the air gap if necessary.

Remote Access

Claimed no “technical capability” to access.

>>24692638

>Eric Coomer Contradictions: 2022 vs 2026 Testimony

Confirmed remote desktop capabilities for EMS access.

Access to Jurisdictional Data and Live Tallies

In 2022, Dr. Coomer testified that Dominion was insulated from voter data. The 2026 testimony contradicted this by describing routine data transfers and active monitoring.

Secure FTP and Database Backups

2022 Position: Dr. Coomer stated, “Dominion doesn’t have any access to any voter data, period.” He argued that the only access would be if a county physically handed over a copy.

2026 Position: Coomer acknowledged the use of secure FTP sites where jurisdictions uploaded election database backups for troubleshooting. He confirmed these backups contained the “current state of tally data.”

Election Night Monitoring

Despite telling the grand jury that Dominion had “no direct access” to manipulate or access numbers, Coomer admitted in 2026 that he personally monitored election results through the reporting system on election night 2020 for at least one major jurisdiction after the polls closed but before certification.

Professional Identity and Technical Responsibilities

There is a direct conflict regarding Dr. Coomer’s actual job function and his role in the creation of Dominion’s software.

Title Discrepancies

2022 Testimony: Identified himself as the “Chief Software Architect and Security Product Specialist.”

2026 Testimony: Identified as the “senior director of product strategy and security.” He explicitly distinguished this from being a “director of products,” stating there was a “huge difference.”

Coding and Design Responsibilities

In 2026, Dr. Coomer distanced himself from the technical architecture he previously claimed to lead:

Design/Programming: He testified, “I had no role in the design, programming, or the securitization of the databases used in the Dominion voting system.”

Code Creation: He stated multiple times that he “did not write a single line of code for Dominion product” and “did none of the programming.”

International Operations and Code Security

The 2022 testimony did not disclose the multinational nature of Dominion’s software development or the remote access held by foreign offices.

Global Connectivity

In 2026, Coomer confirmed that Dominion operated as a multinational entity with “direct remote connections” between its offices in Denver, Toronto, and Belgrade (Serbia).

Foreign Access to U.S. Election Code

Code Repositories: Coomer admitted that development teamsin Serbia and Canada had accessto the code repositories for U.S. election equipment.

Statement of Fact: When asked if foreign developers could remotely work on the code base for U.S. systems, he answered “Yes.”

Conclusion: Evaluation of Factual Divergence

The transition from the 2022 testimony to the 2026 deposition reveals a move from categorical, simplified denials to a more complex reality involving networked capabilities.

Connectivity: The 2022 narrative of a “fully air-gapped” system was replaced by admissions of VPN configurations, RAS servers, and modem transmissions.

Data Handling: The claim that Dominion had “no access, period” to data was contradicted by the admission of FTP-based live tally transfers and active election-night monitoring by Coomer himself.

Security Oversight: The non-disclosure of foreign developer access to U.S. election code in 2022 contrasts with the 2026 admission of a globally connected development infrastructure.

The 2022 grand jury was presented with an image of a system that was physically and digitally isolated from both Dominion staff and the internet. The 2026 deposition established that the technical capability for remote access and data transmission was not only present but was part of the system’s operational and troubleshooting framework.

This contradiction undermines the assertions made by Dominion CEO John Poulos under oath before the Michigan Senate during his December 15, 2020. Poulos’ testimony served as the basis for many of the false assertions made in the 2021 Michigan Senate Report on the Michigan elections. This report in turn was referenced in many 2020 election cases as a basis for dismissal of lawsuits or the adjudication election lawsuits in favor of those who asserted that the 2020 election was secure.

In short, these contradictions expose the narrative that the 2020 election was “the most secure election in American history” as a lie.

https://electioncrimebureau.com/eric-coomer-contradictions-2022-vs-2026-testimony/