https://www.disclose.tv/valiant-thor-the-benevolent-alien-with-an-iq-of-1200-307285
Perkins Coie was appointed as his counsel…
“Our position from the outset has been that this case never should have been brought and we’re glad it’s over,” said Jean-Jacques Cabou, a Perkins Coie partner serving as court-appointed defense counsel in the case. “Mr Turi didn’t break the law….We’re very glad the charges are being dismissed.”
and a state dept. twist to the Turi Affair
https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/local/arizona-investigations/2016/11/20/mysterious-saga-arizona-arms-dealer/94023174/
Congressional records show the Obama administration continued struggling with the Libya dilemma behind the scenes, and considered a deal very similar to Turi's.
On July 14, 2011, Clinton family confidante Sidney Blumenthal sent a note to Clinton about an upcoming visit to Turkey, where she could meet with retired Army Maj. Gen. David Grange, another arms broker.
Blumenthal wanted the U.S. to sign a $114 million contract for Grange’s company, Osprey Global Solutions, to deliver equipment to anti-Gadhafi forces via a hospital ship. His message to Clinton sounded much like Turi’s gambit: “This is a private contract. It puts Americans in a central role without being direct battle combatants. The TNC (National Transitional Council) wants to demonstrate they are pro-U.S.”
(Blumenthal’s communications went to Clinton’s private email account, which became the subject of fierce controversy and congressional investigations. The messages were exposed only through efforts of a Romanian hacker.)
In an FBI interview, Blumenthal acknowledged he had ties to Osprey and stood to receive a finder’s fee if the deal came to fruition.
A day after Blumenthal’s email to Clinton, the Obama administration recognized the National Transitional Council as Libya’s government, giving it access to $30 billion held in U.S. accounts previously controlled by Gadhafi.
According to Pro Publica, the correspondence shows Clinton not only conducted State Department business in private, but was aware of Libyan arms deals and relied on a “secret spy network” for intelligence. Moreover, her source had a financial interest in the civil war.
The New York Times reported that Osprey collaborated with another company that involved Clinton friends, political fundraisers and an ex-CIA agent.
Grange met with rebels, and a deal for police training and medical services initially was green-lighted by State Department officials, according to congressional investigators. But that contract later was shot down by the National Security Council. Congressional Benghazi report
Turi’s plan also collapsed, but in a very different way:
On July 22, 2011, according to Turi, about 20 heavily armed Department of Homeland Security and Department of Defense agents stormed his Scottsdale residence with a search warrant, seizing evidence of criminal conduct.
The raid was handled so quietly there was not a single news report. Charges were not filed. After questioning by agents, Turi remained free.
In correspondence with The Republic, he claimed the State Department letter authorizing his arms-to-Qatar application arrived two days after the raid. But with a criminal investigation underway, the deal worth $534 million was kaput.
A State Department official declined to answer questions about the Turi affair, saying, "We have no comment on licensing activity per federal regulations."
There's also this gem…
https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/aramroston/how-a-one-time-pig-peddler-helped-the-us-flood-war-zones-wit
The U.S. is famously the largest arms exporter in the world. Less well-known is that America also purchases massive amounts of foreign-made weapons, most of them manufactured in the former Soviet bloc. In an effort to build up and train friendly security services, the U.S. saturates some the most violent regions of the world with these arms but has little control over who ultimately gets them.
The Pentagon or U.S. intelligence agencies often issue contracts themselves for these weapons. But other times, American tax dollars go through a proxy, such as an Afghan government agency, which issues the contract but which is heavily funded and guided by the U.S. Dolarian was involved in both types of contracts.
While most coverage of the weapons trade tracks the multibillion-dollar deals in fighter jets, strategic missiles, or radar systems, most killing in modern wars is done with cheap rifles, machine guns, mortars, and other small arms.
Over the last decade, the U.S. has sent more than 700,000 weapons — the vast majority foreign-made small arms — to Afghanistan, where President Barack Obama has staked his strategy on training and arming the army and police. Likewise, in Iraq after the 2003 invasion, the U.S. disbanded the security forces only to rebuild and rearm new ones for eight years, sending over a million weapons by some estimates. The majority of these were Russian-designed small arms.
These are the types of arms that Dolarian, a man the state of California banned from selling certain financial securities, was given U.S. tax dollars to purchase.
This line of work has seen its share of scandal. In 2007, the Pentagon awarded a $300 million contract for Warsaw Pact ammunition to a company run by a 21-year-old Miami man, Efraim Diveroli, who had limited experience in the arms trade. The story of Diveroli, later convicted of fraud after his company sent decades-old, flawed ammunition to Afghanistan, is set to be made into Hollywood movie called Arms and the Dudes. Since that fiasco, the government has tried to use well-known, established defense contractors to equip Afghanistan’s forces, and procure this type of weaponry. But as the Dolarian tale shows, it doesn’t always work out that way.