Why conspiracy theories matter
And why 2018 was a highly conspiratorial year.
Last June, a man drove to the Hoover Dam and, for 90 minutes, used an armored vehicle that authorities believe he made himself to block traffic on the Mike O’Callaghan-Pat Tillman Memorial Bridge. He had a rifle, a handgun, a flash-bang device, rounds of ammunition, and a sign urging President Donald Trump to “release the OIG report.”
The man, Matthew Wright, was a believer in the QAnon conspiracy theory, convinced that rather than investigating Trump’s ties with Russia, special counsel Robert Mueller and Trump are actually working together to expose evildoers and pedophiles (including every previous president) and will ultimately send every Democrat to Guantanamo Bay. He believed so fervently that a secret version of a report from the inspector general existed that would uncover a web of Democratic evil that he was willing to take on armed police officers to get it.
After his arrest, Wright wrote letters to the White House from his jail cell, using QAnon phraseology and inquiring about “The Storm,” the day when QAnon followers believe that all of Trump’s enemies will be simultaneously arrested and martial law will be declared. Now Wright is facing life in prison on terrorism charges.
I’ve written a lot about conspiracy theories this year, from newer conspiracy theories like QAnon that appeal to some of Trump’s biggest supporters on the right (and appears to have now spread to Canada) to 9/11 trutherism, which has generally had a more left-leaning following. I’ve written about how conspiracy theories like these spread, and why they’re so hard to defuse. And in doing so, I’ve thought a lot about not just how to write about conspiracy theories, but why it’s important to do it.
https://www.vox.com/2018/12/31/18144710/conspiracy-theories-trump-2018-qanon-soros-false-flags