Anonymous ID: 058bd1 March 5, 2019, 9:02 p.m. No.5532587   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>2737

Israel’s Secret Founding Fathers

 

Everyone knows the name David Ben-Gurion. Why don’t we know about the spy Jamil Cohen?

 

JERUSALEM — Late on the night of Nov. 11, Hamas soldiers in southern Gaza stopped a van near the town of Khan Yunis. Inside were a group of Arabic-speaking men and women who said they were aid workers. The soldiers were suspicious. When the passengers understood that they couldn’t talk their way out, they dropped the pretense and drew guns. In the ensuing firefight, seven Hamas men and one of the passengers died before the intruders were extracted by an Israeli rescue force. The van’s passengers were undercover agents, but in Hebrew their profession has a unique name: They were mista’arvim, which translates as “ones who become like Arabs.” The work of the mista’arvim, who serve in Israel’s Army and police and are meant to move around Palestinian areas undetected, has gained some international renown recently thanks to the success of the TV series “Fauda,” a fictionalized version of their exploits. But the odd term has roots older than Israel — and deeper than the world of spies. Its origins have much to tell us, not just about the history of covert operations here, but also about the complicated identity of this country.

 

Israel tends to tell a European story about itself — Theodor Herzl, socialism, the Holocaust — and many Israelis and many of our enemies like to imagine that this country doesn’t quite belong where it exists. But even if we set aside the one-fifth of Israel’s citizens who are Arab Muslims, half of the Jewish population here has roots in the Islamic world. They’re the children and grandchildren of people like Jamil Cohen. Who is Jamil Cohen? He isn’t famous, and his name was new to me when I began researching a book about Israel’s first spies. But his story is a window onto some crucial and forgotten Israeli history. Cohen was born in 1922 in Damascus, Syria, and grew up in the alleys of that city’s ancient Jewish Quarter. The existence of such a quarter seems unimaginable today, with the Arab world’s old ethnic mosaic largely destroyed by state persecution, religious violence and civil war. But when Cohen was growing up, there were about one million Jews native to Islamic countries, most of them Arabic speakers. Baghdad, the Iraqi capital, was one-third Jewish in those days. At 21, facing an uncertain future amid the Muslim majority, Cohen decided to run away to join the Zionist pioneers forging a new Jewish future in the country next door: British Mandate for Palestine. He crossed the border on foot and joined a group of idealistic young people working the land at a kibbutz. It was the beginning of 1944, with World War II still raging and the creation of the state of Israel still four years away.

 

In oral testimony recorded in the 1990s, Cohen remembered what the experience was like. He was exhilarated by the comradeship and ideology of pioneer life. On the other hand, he was different from the others and found the difference hard to escape. Although Palestine had an old community of Jews who spoke Arabic, the native tongue of most Jews in the country at the time was Yiddish: They had come to the Middle East fleeing abject poverty and oppression in Poland and Russia. To the kibbutz pioneers, Jamil Cohen was mystifying. He seemed Arab — in his appearance, in his Hebrew accent, in the music he loved, like that of the Egyptian diva Oum Kalthoum. He stopped using the Arabic name of his childhood, Jamil, and instead used his Hebrew name, Gamliel, but that didn’t resolve the problem. Cohen made friends but didn’t talk about his old life in Damascus; they weren’t interested. “Because I was the one who wanted to join them, and not the other way around,” he remembered much later on, “I was the one who was worn down, who had to round his edges to fit the machine that spins around, sparing no one.” The ability to “round your edges” is useful for a spy, as he’d soon find out.

 

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/01/opinion/sunday/israel-spies-founding-fathers.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Anonymous ID: 058bd1 March 5, 2019, 9:25 p.m. No.5532840   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>2987

Over 100 House Dems Support Banning Private Health Insurance Plans

 

Moderates join liberals to back radical Medicare-for-All proposal

 

A radical new health care proposal that, if implemented, would ban private insurance coverage has garnered the endorsement of more than 100 members of the House Democratic conference—nearly half of Speaker Nancy Pelosi's (Calif.) 235-seat majority. Last week, Democratic congresswoman Pramila Jayapal (Wash.), the co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus (CPC), introduced the Medicare-for-All Act of 2019. Billed as a means to provide "freedom of choice" to health care consumers, the legislation would require everyone, regardless of existing insurance coverage, to enroll in Medicare within two years of passage. Under the proposal, "all primary care, hospital, and outpatient" services would be covered by Medicare without any co-pay or out-of-pocket costs. Encompassed among the list of covered procedures are abortion, mental health and substance abuse treatment, and transportation to and from "health care" appointments for low-income individuals and those with disabilities.

 

The proposal's most controversial aspect, however, entails the phasing out of private insurance plans. The bill would make it illegal for private insurance providers to sell health coverage that "duplicates the benefits" offered by the taxpayer-funded Medicare-for-All program. Likewise, the bill prohibits employers from offering coverage to their employees if it mirrors those offered by the federal government. Private health insurance plans could only be sold to individuals or offered by employers if they "provide supplemental coverage" on top of Medicare-for-All. Other provisions in the bill limit the federal government from subsidizing any private insurance plans. Despite polling showing that more than 80 percent of voters oppose eliminating private insurance plans, Jayapal's bill garnered the backing of 105 other House Democrats upon introduction. The support, although stemming largely from CPC stalwarts and liberal firebrands like Rashida Tlaib (Mich.), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (N.Y.), and Ilhan Omar (Minn.), also came from several moderate and freshman Democrats. Some freshman Democrats, like Jared Golden (Maine), Katie Hill (Calif.), Susan Wild (Pa.), and Mike Levin (Calif.) signed as cosponsors of the bill after making it an issue during their 2018 congressional races. Each campaigned as bipartisan pragmatists and won their districts narrowly by promising to fix Washington, D.C. Moderate Democrats like Ann Kirkpatrick (Ariz.), who was elected to the House in 2018 after a two-year absence, also backed the legislation even though she opposed the idea while campaigning, based on its fiscal implications. Kirkpatrick's office did not return requests for comment on this story.

 

It is unclear what impact eliminating private health insurance plans will have on the 2020 campaign. Apart from banning private insurance plans, Jayapal's Medicare-for-All legislation is likely to be contentious because of its social and fiscal components. Tucked away in the 119-page bill is language requiring Medicare to cover abortion service by repealing the Hyde Amendment, which prohibits federal funds from being used for such a practice. There are also outstanding questions concerning illegal immigrants and if they would be eligible to receive coverage under the plan. The legislation "requires" the secretary of health and human services to establish a "mechanism for automatic enrollment at birth, time of immigration into the U.S., or acquisition of qualified resident status." Requests for clarification regarding citizenship standards for eligibility were not returned by Jayapal's office. Jayapal, who proclaimed "health care a human right" in the initial rollout of her bill, has refrained from elaborating on how much the plan would cost or how it would be funded. Previous estimates for the Medicare-for-All bill championed by Sen. Bernie Sanders (D., Vt.), which is acknowledged to be less comprehensive than Jayapal's proposal, put the price tag at upwards of $32 trillion.

 

https://freebeacon.com/politics/over-100-house-dems-support-banning-private-health-insurance-plans/

 

Medicare for All Act of 2019

https://debbiedingell.house.gov/sites/debbiedingell.house.gov/files/documents/190227MedicareForAll_Summary.pdf