got you 6 baker senpai
>>5903586 rt >>5903522 ————————— Was there any surprise to today's charges being dropped?
>>5903723 rt >>5903586 ————————— [Kim Foxx] Who is pulling her strings?
RBG documented via transcript and courtroom artist renditioning yesterday 3/25
yet on the YT Q channels they keep talking like your post last night was conspiratorial
they are being stupid Q
FAST!!
in the highly contentious Cook County State's Attorney race, each candidate has their funding bases. Incumbent Anita Alvarez has Chicago's "old-boy power support" behind her, according to the Better Government Association—City Council's most powerful alderman, Ed Burke; Illinois's last true political boss, Michael Madigan; various associates of former Mayor Richard M. Daley. (She's also accepted over $25,000 from at least 60 of her employees.) Donna More is largely self-funding her campaign, as well as tapping into the Republican donor network. And Kim Foxx is working her political patron Toni Preckwinkle's connections; many of the largest donations to her campaign fund are from unions.
But Kim Foxx has also found two other sources of cash, in the form of twin $300,000 donations to a Super PAC supporting her called Illinois Safety & Justice. The sole donors to the PAC are neoliberal superdonor and conservative-boogeyman George Soros and a "dark-money" group called Civic Participation Action Fund. A Super PAC is a fundraising group, created by the 2010 Supreme Court Citizens United decision, that can raise as much money as they want for any candidate or cause—as long as they don't coordinate on any level with political campaigns, which have much smaller campaign limits.
Soros is a notorious liberal donor—he dropped $20 million on the 2004 election, and recently donated $8 million to a leading pro-Hillary Super PAC, as well as put up $5 million to increase Latino voter turnout. But according to Illinois Sunshine, a database of State Election Board filings maintained by the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform, this marks the first time Soros has entered into a political race in Illinois—ever. (Though he has been intervening in local District/State's Attorney's races with increasing regularity, donating over $400,000 in a Caddo Parish, Louisiana, nearly the same amount in Mississippi last year alone.)
Soros's presence in this race "really speaks to fact that Super PACs have become very influential in Illinois races, especially this cycle," according to Sarah Brune, the executive director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform. A request for comment to Soros's Open Society Foundations went unreturned by press time.
The sole other donor to Foxx's Super PAC is the Civic Participation Action Fund, which, like Soros, has never made a donation in an Illinois race before. CPAF is a 501(c)(4), a special kind of nonprofit organization that at once doesn't have to disclose its donors and can conduct political activity. They are frequently referred to by campaign finance reform advocates as "dark money," since it is usually unknown where the actual funding comes from. The 2010 Citizens United decision set off a spark of 501(c)(4) donations nationwide, and they are a key component of Governor Bruce Rauner's stated plot to take away the Democratic supermajorities in the Illinois General Assembly.
Dark money is "certainly something that's become much more pervasive," said Brune. "[Dark money groups] can be even more frustrating than the Super PAC because you're not able to access information on the donors.… It's not something that we enjoy seeing. It's just really troubling to voters when they can't see who is donating to their candidates. Not all donations are a bad thing, but if someone's going to contribute to a candidate for public office, they should understand that they're attempting to influence the outcome of a race for public office, so their contributions are gonna be made public."
Civic Participation Action Fund, according to its website, is a five-year project dedicated to advancing "racial equity, economic opportunity, and civic engagement" and will cease grant-making this year. On its website, it also states that it doesn't fund anything "overtly partisan" (maybe since everyone in the race is a Democrat, a State's Attorney's race doesn't count), anything that involves "institutional or core support for organizations," which is pleasantly meaningless (and also, what is the State's Attorney's office if not an organization?). In an op-ed published by the Chronicle of Philanthropy, the Fund's director, Steve McConnell, said that being organized as a "dark money" group allows the fund to "support a much wider range of advocacy and electoral activities that are issue-based, nonpartisan, and not coordinated with candidates or political parties than it could have as a foundation required to follow Section 501(c)(3)," a more traditional nonprofit structure. A request for comment to CPAF went unreturned.
University of Illinois at Chicago professor Dick Simpson says it's "unusual" to see out-of-state donors get involved in local races like this, though he noted that a little over half of the campaign contributions Mayor Rahm Emanuel raised between 2010 and 2015 were also from outside of Chicago.
Simpson says it's "obvious" that the donors' intentions are to oust Alvarez, who has been vilified by progressive media outlets in the for her handling of the high-profile Laquan McDonald police shooting case. He also noted that the Super PAC's current endowment of $600,000 is enough to have "serious effects on the race."
Outside of the Illinois State Board of Election's ruling that Foxx's use of a Preckwinkle-funded poll broke state rules and fined the campaign almost $20,000, the topic of funding has been largely overlooked during the campaign, though there are clearly lots of other issues to look at. In the most recent Tribune poll, Alvarez was beating Foxx by seven points.
https://chicagoist.com/2016/03/10/kim_foxx_funding.php
baker is baking because of Q
so we need to keep an eye on old breads for baker senpai for dirt
baker assists scrape please
Kim Foxx, an upstart reformer who campaigned on decarceration, transparency and police accountability.
ON MARCH 15, 2016, CHICAGO’S CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM WAS FLIPPED ON ITS HEAD. Four months after Mayor Rahm Emanuel fired Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy, Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez was defeated in the Democratic primary by Kim Foxx, an upstart reformer who campaigned on decarceration, transparency and police accountability.
At Foxx’s victory party, Ja’Mal Green took the stage wearing a shirt that read “Adios Anita” and shouted, “Two down, one to go!”—referring to McCarthy, Alvarez and Emanuel.
MARCH ISSUE
Alvarez, in office since 2008, had a reputation for recommending harsh sentences for civilians and lenient ones for police. But her role in the Laquan McDonald scandal is what did her in.
Alvarez, McCarthy and Emanuel were widely blamed for the decision to withhold a video showing Jason Van Dyke, a white Chicago Police Department (CPD) officer, shooting McDonald, a black teenager, 16 times—in stark contradiction to the official police narrative.
McDonald died in October 2014, just after the high-profile police killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and Eric Garner in Staten Island, and became a flashpoint in the growing Movement for Black Lives. When the Chicago video was finally released in November 2015, the city’s activist community, led by black youth, took to the streets in mass protests. McDonald’s murder became a referendum on Chicago’s political leadership.
Emanuel attempted to appease the protesters by firing McCarthy in December 2015, calling him “a distraction.” In response, the Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100)—a group that had been on the forefront of the protests—released a statement calling for Alvarez, Emanuel and “all top elected officials involved in the coverup” to “resign immediately.”
Ahead of the March 2016 primary election, youth-led racial justice groups, including BYP100 and Assata’s Daughters, worked to defeat Alvarez through a campaign called #ByeAnita. The organizers of #ByeAnita declined to endorse Foxx, or any state’s attorney, on the grounds that the role of a prosecutor is inherently harmful, but instead “sought to inspire people to feel their power to take down giants” by targeting Alvarez, as Page May of Assata’s Daughters put it in an op-ed for Truthout. Organizers conducted banner drops across the city, interrupted Alvarez campaign events and talked to community members about the importance of showing the embattled prosecutor the door. Meanwhile, social justice organizations People’s Action, Grassroots Collaborative and BlackRoots Alliance—a coalition of member groups including Action Now—used their political arms to make hundreds of thousands of calls and house visits on behalf of Foxx.
Alvarez was walloped, receiving only 29 percent of the vote. Only Emanuel was left. In September 2018, facing an uphill re-election battle partly because of the McDonald scandal, Emanuel announced he would not seek a third term.
That victory put wind in the sails of a larger political upheaval already underway in Chicago. Ahead of the city’s February 2019 aldermanic elections, a pack of left challengers with organizing backgrounds are putting movement demands front and center. Mayoral candidates are also responding to these demands—and running left of Emanuel.
“The number one reason we have this electoral moment is absolutely the organizing of young black people in the city fighting in response to massive police brutality,” says Amisha Patel, executive director of Grassroots Collaborative. “That created an opening for other campaigns.”
Chicago is also benefiting from a national climate of impatience with corporate Democrats and an appetite for new blood. Since Bernie Sanders first called for a “political revolution” during his 2016 presidential run, thousands of progressives across the country have heeded the call by running for office themselves, from local school council to the U.S. House. Despite victories around the country, these insurgents can often be lone voices among their colleagues, and no sizable bloc of left challengers has since upended the political establishment of any major U.S. city.
But in 2019, Chicago—a city notorious for its Democratic machine—may make history by delivering just such an upheaval of the old guard by movement-backed candidates hungry for change.
http://inthesetimes.com/features/chicago_mayor_aldermanic_elections_political_revolution_social_movements.html