As Trump struggles to curb unauthorized immigration, his rhetoric gets tougher, but quick solutions are elusive
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More than halfway through President Trump’s first term, unauthorized immigration has surged to the highest levels in a decade, leaving him searching for quick-fix solutions and his administration roiling with internal tensions over how to address a problem the president promised to solve.
Trump sought to project confidence and strength on a visit to a renovated section of border fencing in Calexico, Calif., on Friday, amid warnings from federal authorities that the U.S. immigration system is at a “breaking point” in handling a record influx of Central American families.
But his public indecision over the past week — threatening in a tweet to close the border with Mexico before reversing himself six days later — revealed an administration that is grasping to deal with a humanitarian challenge without a well-defined strategy and with significant divisions within Trump’s team.
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A sign of the discord came Friday when the White House yanked the Senate nomination of a longtime federal immigration official, Ronald Vitiello, to lead Immigration and Customs Enforcement after a senior White House adviser, Stephen Miller, lobbied Trump to cut him loose, according to officials familiar with the matter.
Trump told reporters he would go in “a tougher direction” in finding a new nominee.
To his critics, the episodes were emblematic of the failures of a president whose policies have exacerbated the migration surge, as he has focused on outdated models of hard-line deterrence and punishment developed more than a decade ago to stop Mexican men from sneaking into the country in search of jobs. Those methods, including a border wall, are largely ineffective in keeping out the asylum-seeking families who are driving the recent immigration spike, immigration experts said.
In some cases, human smugglers have used Trump’s hard-line threats as “a sales tactic” to drum up business, warning would-be migrants that they must enter the United States before the president cracks down, said Theresa C. Brown, a career policy official at the Department of Homeland Security who left in 2011.
“He ran on, ‘No one else can fix it and I can.’ I get that. It’s very attractive to a public that has seen a complicated issue linger for a long time,” Brown said. “Except it’s not something that is easily fixable. His instincts to take hard stances and do tough talk have not had the impact he had hoped, and now he’s proposing harsher things that will hurt us as much or more than anybody else.”
But Trump aides have expressed bewilderment that a president who was vilified by his political rivals for warning of a border crisis since his 2016 campaign is now being blamed for, in their view, being right. They argue that the unwillingness of Democrats and the mainstream media to acknowledge the extent of the problem until recently has contributed to the administration’s struggles to curb the flow. They also point to opposition from Democrats to embracing any of the legislative remedies the administration has proposed, or to countering with a plan of their own, as evidence that the opposition party is more interested in making Trump look bad than in addressing the migrant surge.
“I see that some of our biggest opponents over the last two days have said, ‘You know what, it really is an emergency,’ ” Trump said during his border tour in Calexico. The border surge “is a direct result of the obstruction by Democrats in Congress.”
The administration’s reliance on increasingly tougher rhetoric and policy proposals has played out vividly over the past few months. In December and January, Trump shut down parts of the federal government for a record 35 days in an unsuccessful bid to win congressional funding for a border wall. He then declared a “national emergency” to circumvent Congress for roughly $6.7 billion for the wall and vetoed a bill passed by both chambers to overturn his order.