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So I'll let them pitch their own proposals. But again, I think our point would be the treaty poses risks to the constitutional rights of Americans. We already have the leading national laws with respect to arms exports.
This treaty would therefore accomplish nothing to further U.S. policy goals, and only therefore exposes us to risks, whether to our sovereignty or to the constitutional rights of the American people.
Q Hey. Dan Spinelli from Mother Jones. My question is, if you are expecting other countries to adopt the sufficient protocols the U.S. has, how can you be sure that they're doing that? And are there any other types of diplomatic protocols you are doing to make sure that other countries are adopting these types of standards that are as stringent as the U.S.?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, for example, I would offer you the Missile Technology Control Regime. The U.S. is a party to numerous bilateral agreements with countries. Every time we sell them arms, we impose our rules, our laws, our processes on those sales. We are party to multilateral regimes, whether it's MTCR, whether it's Wassenaar, or whether it's the Australia Group, that – where we work with like-minded nations to control, whether it's arms or things that could be of a dual-use nature that could be used as arms.
So I think our record is pretty sterling in this regard. And when you look at this U.N. treaty, where countries like Russia and China are not a party, the President's calculus was, quite rightly, that this treaty imposes risks but no gains.
Q Hey, guys. This is Justin Fink from Bloomberg. I understand that your concerns with the treaty seem to be maybe what could be passed in an amendment down the road. But were there any objections that you had to the actual types of the treaty as it was submitted by the Obama administration? Would it adversely affect the rights of U.S. gun owners in any substantive way?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, yeah. So, I mean, our belief is that it posed unnecessary risks to the Second Amendment rights of the American people for no apparent gain, given our national laws that we already have in place to govern conventional arms transfer policy. And we would welcome other countries to follow our leading national example.
Q Hi. I'm Hideki with NHK Japan Broadcasting Corporation. This treaty is a treaty which Japanese government has been supporting for a long time. So I'm just wondering whether President Trump will be talking about this treaty with Prime Minister Abe tonight.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, I'm not going to get into discussions that two leaders will have. They have a very good relationship and a very open relationship.
Q Ted Bromund, with the Heritage Foundation. Given the U.S. un-signature of the treaty, will the U.S. continue to attend ATT conferences of states-parties? And will the U.S. continue to pay into the Secretariat ATT fund in any way?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: We're happy to follow up with you on that. There are various issues that we have to deal with when we un-sign a treaty like that. And those mechanics are still working out. I'd (inaudible) to get into our internal processes.
I think the President was pretty clear today as to his intention with respect to the treaty, but you do point out a couple of the mechanics that we're still deliberating on.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: All right, that's all the questions we have time for today.
Thanks so much for joining. As a reminder, this is on background. Attribution is to a senior administration official.
And now that the call is concluded, the embargo is lifted. Thanks so much for your time.
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