(Please read from the start)
“Though labor-intensive, a suka qullu produces impressive yields. […].Significantly, the experimental suka qullu fields recreated in the 1980s by University of Chicago´s Alan Kolata and Oswaldo Rivera suffered only a 10% decrease in production following a 1988 freeze that killed 70-90% of the rest of the region's production. Development by the Tiwanaku of this kind of protection against killing frosts in an agrarian civilization was invaluable to their growth.
As the population grew, occupational niches developed, and people began to specialize in certain skills. There was an increase in artisans, who worked in pottery, jewelry and textiles. Like the later Incas, the Tiwanaku had few commercial or market institutions. Instead, the culture relied on elite redistribution. In this view of Tiwanaku as a bureaucratic state, elites controlled the economic output, but were expected to provide each commoner with all the resources needed to perform his or her function. Selected occupations include agriculturists, herders, pastoralists, etc. Such separation of occupations was accompanied by hierarchichal stratification. The elites gained their status by control of the surplus of food obtained from all regions, which they then redistributed among all the people. Control of llama herds became very significant to Tiwanaku. The animals were essential for transporting staple and prestige goods.
Collapse
Suddenly around 1000 AD, Tiwanaku ceramics stopped being produced as the state's largest colony (Moquegua) and the urban core of the capital were abandoned within a few decades. The end date for the Tiwanaku state is sometimes extended to 1150 AD, but this only considers raised fields, not urban occupation or ceramic production. One proposed explanation is that a severe drought rendered the raised-field systems ineffective, food surplus dropped, and with it, elite power, leading to state collapse. However, this narrative has been challenged, in part because of more refined cultural and climate chronologies, which now suggest that the drought did not start until 1020 or 1040 AD, shortly after the state's explosive collapse.
This lends greater support to alternative theories of collapse that suggest social dynamics within the Tiwanaku state led to its demise. Some areas of the capital show signs of intentional destruction, though this could have taken place at any time. Monolithic gates, like Gateway of the Sun, were tipped over and broken. By the end of Tiwanaku V period the Putuni complex was burned and food storage jars smashed. This indicates an event of destruction, followed by abandonment of the site. Colonies in Moquegua and on Isla del Sol were also abandoned around this time.
It has been conjectured that the collapse of the Tiwanaku empire caused a southward migratory wave leading to a series of changes in Mapuche society in Chile.[20][21] This explains how the Mapuche language obtained many loanwords from Puquina language including antu (sun), calcu (warlock), cuyen (moon), chadi (salt) and ñuque (mother).[20] Tom Dillehay and co-workers suggest that the decline of Tiwanaku would have led to the spread of agricultural techniques into Mapuche lands in south-central Chile. These techniques include the raised fields of Budi Lake and the canalized fields found in Lumaco Valley. […].”
>> I’m including a couple of pictures of the Putini site, with a layout and reconstruction, just to give anons an idea.
I want to draw attention to the Tiwanaku pottery:
1 – There is confusion to the attribution in some of the pottery between the Tiwanaku and the Wari cultures. So be careful when working on them.
2 – The Staff-god is represented on the terracotta, holding a double staff and wearing the feathered headdress.
3 – Some of the Tiwanaky pottery has this creature = design of a “bird of prey” head with wings but with a feline body = the Griffin. Seen many times before in this thread, so I’m not going into it again.
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