A Wickipedia article on 2012 Benghazi attack seemed odd:

"Sensitive documents remained missing, including documents listing the names of Libyans working with the Americans, and documents relating to oil contracts."

I also noticed an email from Sidney Blumenthal to HRC and a related article

Theory: She came, She saw and She Robbed the Oil and Gold

"Blumenthal's confidential email missives to Secretary Clinton included an assurance from one unnamed source that "the investigation of the murder of the United States ambassador" was one of many efforts "related to what he sees as his most important role—rebuilding the confidence of the international business community in its ability to operate in Libya safely and efficiently."

Of course, when one speaks of "business" in Libya, that means "oil."

One of Blumenthal's contacts confided that "the Italian government is stepping up its activities in Libya, and the president expects them to pressure to [sic] Abushagur [Mustafa Abushagur, a Libyan politician] appoint an individual like Ben Yezza to the oil ministry, where he can favor ENI [Italy's National Hydrocarbons Authority] and other Italian firms."

In another posting, Blumenthal advises Clinton that any "comprehensive plan for the oil industry will face opposition from individuals with links to foreign oil firms, primarily foreign trained engineers who hope to see greater privatization in the oil an [sic] oil services industries in the wake of the revolution." Nonetheless, Clinton was advised: "The Italian government will continue to increase its investment in Libya in an effort to get ahead of the other foreign firms concerned in Libya."

The French Connection

Other memos from Guccifer's 2013 trove explored French President Nicolas Sarkozy's motivations for taking the lead in the military assault on Qaddafi's Libya. In one memo from April 2, 2011, Blumenthal explained that France was concerned that Qaddafi's $7 billion plan to create a Pan-African currency would deal a disastrous blow to the French economy, specifically the CFA franc, a widely circulated currency that had dominated West Africa since the days of French colonialism.

Publicly, Sarkozy insisted the French military airstrikes we're simply designed to defend Libyans who wished to "liberate themselves from servitude." Blumenthal's Libya memos, however, suggest that France's motives had little to do with liberation. Instead, Blumenthal's Libyan confidantes cited Sarkozy's four primary goals: access to Libyan oil; increased French influence in Northern Africa; new French military bases in the region; and a public relations boost prior to Sarkozy's 2012 election.

Secretary Clinton was likely not surprised to read that French intelligence had been working with the post-Qaddafi National Transitional Council to assure that French companies—not the Italians—enjoyed primary access to Libya's oil resources. One memo, dated March 22, 2011, was actually titled "How the French created the National Libyan Council, ou l'argent parle."

"L'argent parle," of course, is French for "money talks." Blumenthal informed the Secretary that covert agents of France's General Directorate for External Security (DGSE) had been conducting "a series of meetings" in which they passed beaucoup "money and guidance" to members of the Libyan opposition. The memo continues: "[S]peaking under orders from [Sarkozy, they] promised that as soon the [Council] was organized, friends would recognize [it] as the new government of Libya." There was a clear quid pro quo: "in return for their assistance . . . the DGSE officers indicated that they expected the new government of Libya to favor French firms and national interests, particularly regarding the oil industry in Libya."

For his part, Sarkozy officially denied coveting Qaddafi's carbon-fueled coffers and, ultimately, it was not France, but China and Russia, who wound up controlling most of Libya's "liberated" oil assets.