Anonymous ID: 4a8f08 Investigation 1 of 22 - DOJ re FISA Jan. 25, 2018, 9:13 a.m. No.82   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>83

FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY-DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

 

FISA MEMO_CL_PDB

MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD

SUBJECT: Illegal use of FISA Warrants to Unmask and Surveil American Citizens for Political Purposes

Investigation 1 of 22 at DOJ Re: FISA

Investigation 001: Breach of the Democratic National Committee/Breach Dossier

 

During the course of the investigation, we have determined that the Democratic National Committee was breached by an individual named Seth Rich. At the time of the breach, Mr. Rich was employed by the Democratic National Committee…During said period of employment, Mr. Rich broke into the IT server room and transferred the files from the server to an external hard drive. This investigation concludes that the rate of transfer of files was consistent with a local breach, and does not ally with assertions that the breach occurred through a transfer over the internet.

 

Once the information was downloaded off the server, it was emailed to the Wikileaks secure file drop site. As noted on previous President Daily Briefings, President Obama was aware of ongoing operations that had continuous monitoring of the Wikileaks secure drop site. Individuals of aware of this file transfer of Mr. Rich to Wikileaks included Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper and Central Intelligence Agency Director John O. Brennan. (Mssrs.) Clapper and Brennan met with [REDACTED]. These twelve individuals continue to be monitored, and are the subjects of latter investigations.

 

Using the information provided, Mr. Brennan reached out to his department at Google, requesting that they fund an organization called CROWDSTRIKE. Funding for the organization was to be used to produce documentation indicating that the files seized from the DNC were a hack perpetrated by agents linked to the Kremlin. Any documentation indicating that the hack occurred locally was to be destroyed. The narrative was to be pushed that the emails from John Podesta's account were the result of an elaborate internet phishing scheme.

 

Concurrent with the production of the documentation to be used to allege Russian hackers were the source of the leaks provided to Wikileaks, Mr. Brennan notified both the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clinton that Seth Rich was the source of their leaks. The investigation has uncovered documentation indicating that Mr. Rich was to be make an example out of. Internal sources in the gang MS-13 indicate that they were used to perform the hit (on Seth Rich) that occurred in the Bloomingdale neighborhood of Washington DC (on July 10, 2016).

Anonymous ID: 4a8f08 Jan. 25, 2018, 9:17 a.m. No.84   🗄️.is 🔗kun

http://www.someonesbones.com/blog/obama-preparing-to-flee-united-states-over-fisa-memo/

 

The administration has spent the last several months proving Obama masterminded the operation, and in response recently issued a sealedindictment aimed at eventually incarcerating Obama for the rest of his life. Besides gross violation of FISA, the charges reportedly include conspiracy, wire fraud, felony tax evasion, extortion, money laundering, destroying and tampering with evidence, and treason, crimes for which, if convicted, Obama will receive a one-way ticket to Guantanamo Bay.

 

But, Obama has apparently been alerted and is preparing to flee the country if Trump moves to act on the indictment. The felonious ex-president has recently purchased property in four non-extradition countries: He bought a two million dollar estate in Qatar, a large parcel of land on the Ivory Coast, and homes in Algeria and Cape Verde. He made all purchased in the last six months.

 

Trump did not act swiftly enough in freezing Obama’s assets, our sources said, and the former president managed to launder a substantial portion of his net worth through financial institutions in both the Cayman Islands and Geneva.

 

“Trump wanted enough evidence to seal the coffin, so to speak, before pursuing aggressive measures on Obama. Unfortunately, Obama took advantage of the time and made sure his finances could not be touched by the justice department. There’s a reason he chose those four locations—none have extradition treaties with the United States,” said Obama’s former agent.

 

Obama told his family they must be prepared to leave the country at a moment’s notice, he added.

 

Both agents agree that capturing Obama is easier said than done, because he has secured aid from wealthy, influential people—Bill Gates, Warren Bufffet, and others—to help him elude capture, if needed. Private jets, including decoy aircraft, sit fueled at various airports, ready to whisk him away.

Anonymous ID: 4a8f08 From White Hats Report Jan. 25, 2018, 9:27 a.m. No.85   🗄️.is 🔗kun

CALL TO ACTION

 

Source: White Hats Report

 

Over the years, we’ve had readers and supporters ask us how they can get involved. At the time, the political climate was not right to engage the public in such matters as it would only get them put on a list and the future was too uncertain. We did, however, solicit the public’s involvement when we disclosed in White Hats Report #38 that “Davidson Kempner Capital Management LLC, a New York based multi- strategy fund manager, has just launched a new fund with criminal conspirator Michael Herzog as a Portfolio Manager”. We asked our readers to contact Davidson Kempner’s New York office with questions and objections to this hire in addition to providing information to contact the Office of Whistleblowers of the SEC.

 

The response from our readers was overwhelming. You all rose to the occasion and not soon after, the Bush crime family’s bagman and thief, Michael Herzog was arrested in Germany. Of course Merkel will not allow him to be extradited to the US to rat out his puppet masters and provide earth shattering evidence of global financial fraud on a grand scale.

 

Our next series of reports, the White Hats storm, will again solicit assistance from readers and supporters all over the world. We will be providing evidence of fraud, theft and deceit on such a massive scale it’s almost beyond comprehension.

 

The exposure of the Deep State/cabal/shadow government began on November 8, 2016 and has continued unabated until the present and has ratcheted up in both intensity and volume in the last few months. Soon, we will see the infamous FISA memo which will expose the criminal, unconstitutional surveillance state that has infected the world. The IG report that is circulating will further expose the minions in the FBI, CIA and DOJ who are simply the minions, gatekeepers….the worker bees who are compromised and blackmailed to run interference for their cabal Masters. The fraud, corruption, theft and murder cannot be covered up unless the law enforcement agencies are complicit. This will all be revealed in the upcoming storms.

 

The White Hats are generating our own storm, one that targets the upper levels of the cabal: the MONEY CHANGERS.

 

Money created and controlled through Trading Programs is how the cabal blackmails, funds and pays off the lower level enablers Cut off those funds for the secret space program, black projects, political payoffs and blackmails and the world is different. Expose the criminal banksters for what they are and recovered stolen funds and the world’s debt gets erased in the blink of an eye. They have sequestered funds off balance sheet for too long and its time they were outed, arrested and put in prison.

 

We ask all our readers to formulate a battle plan utilizing their social media accounts, friends, contacts and family to help get the information we are about to release in the coming weeks all over the internet. Email lists of media, representatives and associates should be formulated. Twitter and Facebook accounts primed to spread the links to the reports that will come unabated over the next few weeks.

 

And most importantly, your representatives in Congress, Christopher Wray of the FBI, Jeff Sessions of the DOJ and Admiral Mike Rogers of the NSA need to be deluged (storm) with emails demanding action be taken against the Federal Reserve thieves.

 

Timing is EVERYTHING.

Anonymous ID: 4a8f08 John Kerry - Sedition or Treason? Jan. 25, 2018, 1:45 p.m. No.86   🗄️.is 🔗kun

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2018/01/25/john-kerry-reportedly-coaches-palestinians-not-to-yield-to-trump-in-peace-talks-spurring-backlash.html

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Feb. 1, 2018, 8:26 a.m. No.100   🗄️.is 🔗kun

From Qresearch board, putting together the pieces

https://8ch.net/qresearch/res/220837.html#221641

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Soros Declares War on Nationalists Feb. 6, 2018, 12:20 p.m. No.183   🗄️.is 🔗kun

https://europeansworldwide.wordpress.com/2018/01/23/soros-declares-war-on-nationalists/

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Billion Dollar Bust Feb. 6, 2018, 12:21 p.m. No.184   🗄️.is 🔗kun

Money exchange with links to Dubai Government identified as hub for billion-dollar laundering empire.

Wall Street Exchange, one of the largest money remitters in the Middle East and which has its main office in Dubai, has been identified by the Australian Federal Police as a major hub for the movement of drug profits and terrorism finance. AFP Assistant Commissioner David Stewart has told Four Corners the money laundering operation run by Altaf Khanani — who is now in jail in Florida — ran its international transfers through multiple currency exchanges.

Assistant Commissioner Stewart said the Khanani network was laundering between $14 billion and $16 billion a year for organised crime syndicates across the world.

"We're talking about the upper echelons of organised crime here," he said.

In Australia, Khanani was laundering drug money for the Lone Wolves and Comanchero bikie gangs, as well as Lebanese mafia figures living in western Sydney.

He was also moving money on behalf of Mexican cocaine cartels and terrorism groups including Al Qaeda and D-Company. D-Company is a criminal terrorist organisation run by Dawood Ibrahim and based in India.

http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-06/khanani-network-laundered-money-through-wall-street-exchange/9398148

http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-05/the-billion-dollar-bust/9383890

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Cleanup in Iraq Feb. 6, 2018, 12:22 p.m. No.185   🗄️.is 🔗kun

The legal expert Tariq Harb on Thursday attributed the widespread corruption and the seizure of public funds to the lack of effective laws, pointing out that the maximum penalty imposed on the corrupt accused of taking over billions is only five years.

 

"The corruption in Iraq after the fall of the former regime began to grow until it reached the organized corruption and is managed by the figures of the window," Harb said in a statement to Al-Maaloumah news agency. "Tens of billions of dollars were wasted on imaginary projects.

 

He added that "the strongest laws that can be used to fight corruption and corruption are big gaps and shortcomings." He pointed out that "the most severe punishment can be imposed on convicted convicted corruption cases not exceeding five years only and in some cases accept financial bail or take advantage of amnesty decisions."

 

The Integrity Commission announced on Wednesday that it will return 305 billion dinars to the state treasury in 2017, while confirming that the number of ministers or those of their rank who were issued arrest warrants for 2017 amounted to 17 people.

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Iraq's Blacklist Feb. 6, 2018, 12:22 p.m. No.186   🗄️.is 🔗kun

http://www.alliraqnews.com/modules/news/article.php?storyid=70949

The Iraqi authorities for the first time, on Sunday, the names of 60 people of the most wanted, because they belong to the organization calling and Al Qaeda and the Baath Party dissolved.

In the list of names obtained by Agence France-Presse, a copy of it appears especially the name of Raghad, the daughter of Saddam Hussein, who currently lives in Jordan.

Among the other names are 28 cadres, 12 al-Qaeda leaders and 20 leaders of the dissolved Baath Party, as well as their posts within the organizations, some of whom have published their pictures.

All these names belong to Iraqis, except for one Lebanese who is the former Secretary-General of the Arab National Congress, Maan Bashour, who is accused of recruiting fighters to "participate in terrorist activities" in Iraq.

The name of the absent-minded leader of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi was not included in the list.

A senior security official refused to give reasons, but he explained to AFP that the lists include "the most wanted for the Iraqi judiciary and decided to publish Iraqi official bodies."

In 2014, a large area in Iraq, comprising Nineveh, Anbar, and parts of Kirkuk, Salahuddin and Diyala, was overrun by Iraqi forces, but Iraqi forces managed to defeat it after three years of fighting, supported by the US-led international coalition.

Among the names on the list are "princes", officials of breakers, financiers, supporters, assassins and improvised explosive devices, who remain in hiding despite the end of military operations in the country.

Among them were Fares Muhammad Yunus al-Mawla, who is referred to as "the governor of the Upper Euphrates", and the official of the military authority to cut off the area of ​​Zammar and Mosul dam.

Among them is Saddam Hussein Hamoud al-Jubouri, the "prince" of southern Mosul and al-Shorouk, as well as Mahmoud Ibrahim al-Mashhadani, a former officer in Saddam's regime.

The list also includes Fawaz Mohammed al-Mutlaq and three of his children, a former officer of Saddam's Fedayeen, a paramilitary organization formed in the 1990s and a member of the military council of Daash.

Among the most prominent leaders of al-Qaeda, the name of the military leader in Kirkuk, Ahmed Khalil Hassan, and Abdul-Nasser al-Janabi, Mufti and financier of the organization in the area of ​​Jarf al-Sakhr south of Baghdad, which was previously called the "triangle of death."

As for the former regime, Mahmud Yunis al-Ahmad, one of the leaders of the party, who was dissolved in 2003, topped the list.

This is the first time that the Iraqi authorities have declassified the names of those wanted for "terrorism".

The same security official told AFP that "the authorities will reveal the names of those wanted in the form of lists."

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Feb. 9, 2018, 8:40 a.m. No.208   🗄️.is 🔗kun

Audio proof of McCain, Schiff, Waters colluding with Russia (they got pranked but thought it was real at the time) https://deplorablepartyusanews.blogspot.ca/2018/02/schiffmccain-waters-caught-colluding.html?m=1

Anonymous ID: 8f0011 Feb. 9, 2018, 10:20 p.m. No.227   🗄️.is 🔗kun

https://nworeport.me/2018/02/09/fbi-informant-makes-shocking-accusations-against-clintons-and-its-about-uranium-one/

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 17, 2018, 2:49 p.m. No.294   🗄️.is 🔗kun

Exclusive: Haiti president says many aid organizations hid misconduct

 

www.reuters.com/article/us-britain-oxfam-haiti-exclusive/exclusive-haiti-president-says-many-aid-organizations-hid-misconduct-idUSKCN1G02GN

 

PORT-AU-PRINCE (Reuters) - Haiti’s president said on Friday that sexual misconduct by staff of British charity Oxfam was only the tip of an “iceberg” and called for investigations into Doctors Without Borders and other aid organizations which came to the country after its 2010 earthquake.

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 19, 2018, 7:09 p.m. No.310   🗄️.is 🔗kun

Ted Gunderson documents on the Oklahoma City bombing

http://members.tranquility.net/~rwinkel/stuff/Gunderson/other%20files/

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 19, 2018, 8:10 p.m. No.316   🗄️.is 🔗kun

http://thehill.com/homenews/administration/348820-trump-comey-exonerated-clinton-before-email-probe-was-over

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 19, 2018, 8:10 p.m. No.317   🗄️.is 🔗kun

https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/social-media-post-led-florida-agency-investigate-nikolas-cruz-2016-n849221

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 19, 2018, 8:26 p.m. No.318   🗄️.is 🔗kun

https://www.scpr.org/news/2015/10/01/54762/from-fubar-to-russian-phishing-the-latest-from-hil/

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:36 p.m. No.321   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>322

Executive Summary

The theft of public assets from developing countries is a huge and serious problem:

• The cross-border flow of the global proceeds from criminal activities, corruption, and tax

evasion is estimated at between $1 trillion and $1.6 trillion per year.

• Corrupt money associated with bribes received by public officials from developing and transition

countries is estimated at $20 billion to $40 billion per year—a figure equivalent to 20 to 40

percent of flows of official development assistance (ODA).

These estimates, while imprecise, give an idea of the large magnitude of the problem and the

need for concerted action to address it. Indeed, the coming into force in 2005 of the landmark

UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), which devotes a chapter to asset recovery, signals

the growing global consensus for urgent action.

Assets stolen by corrupt leaders at the country-level are frequently of staggering magnitude. The

true cost of corruption far exceeds the value of assets stolen by the leaders of countries. This would

include the degradation of public institutions, especially those involved in public financial management

and financial sector governance, the weakening if not destruction of the private investment climate,

and the corruption of social service delivery mechanisms for basic health and education programs,

with a particularly adverse impact on the poor. This “collateral damage” in terms of foregone growth

and poverty alleviation will be proportional to the duration of the tenure of the corrupt leader.

While the traditional focus of the international development community has been on addressing

corruption and weak governance within the developing countries themselves, this approach

ignores the “other side of the equation”: stolen assets are often hidden in the financial centers

of developed countries; bribes to public officials from developing countries often originate from

multinational corporations; and the intermediary services provided by lawyers, accountants, and

company formation agents, which could be used to launder or hide the proceeds of asset theft

by developing country rulers, are often located in developed country financial centers.

Addressing the problem of stolen assets is an immense challenge. Even though countries as

diverse as Nigeria, Peru, and the Philippines have enjoyed some success in asset recovery, the

process has been time-consuming and costly.

• Generalizing from the experience of these countries, developing countries are likely to

encounter serious obstacles in recovering stolen assets.

• Even where the political will to pursue stolen assets exists, limited legal, investigative, and judicial

capacity and inadequate financial resources could hamper the process.

• Jurisdictions where stolen assets are hidden, often developed countries, may not be responsive to

requests for legal assistance.

Rogue: Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) initiative is being launched jointly by the UN Office on

Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the World Bank Group (WBG) to respond to this problem. Given

the nature of the problem, success will depend critically upon forging and strengthening partner-

ships among developed and developing countries, as well as other bilateral and multilateral agencies

with an interest in the problem.

The development pay-off to the StAR initiative is expected to be significant. Even a portion

of recovered assets could provide much-needed funding for social programs or badly needed

infrastructure. Every $100 million recovered could fund full immunizations for 4 million children or

provide water connections for some 250,000 households. The total benefit would far exceed that

associated with the asset restitution itself, assuming that the released funds are well spent.

First, a StAR program that transmits the signal that there is no safe haven for stolen assets will

embody a powerful deterrent effect. Second, over the long run, one would expect significant and

lasting benefits, assuming the asset recovery effort is accompanied by institutional reform and

better governance. Indeed, without improvements in governance, a StAR initiative will not have

lasting benefits.

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:37 p.m. No.322   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>323

>>321

The UNODC-WBG StAR initiative is an integral part of the World Bank Group’s recently

approved Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy, which recognizes the need to help develop-

ing countries recover stolen assets. The international legal framework underpinning StAR is

provided by the UN Convention Against Corruption, the first global anticorruption agreement,

which entered into force in December 2005. UNODC is both the custodian and the lead agency sup-

porting the implementation of UNCAC, as well as the Secretariat to the Conference of State Parties.

The Action Plan presented in this report responds to feedback received from consultations

with developed and developing countries, as well as lessons from the experience of Nigeria,

Peru, and the Philippines:

• Theft of public assets is facilitated by a lack of transparency and public accountability.

• Developing countries need to strengthen their legal, financial, and public financial manage-

ment systems.

• Even when political will exists in victim countries, legal differences across jurisdictions or the

unwillingness of developed countries to help can derail asset recovery.

A fundamental premise of the Action Plan is that a successful effort on stolen asset recovery

calls for global action:

• Political will and legal reform are also needed in developed countries, not just in developing

countries. Both sets of countries need to ratify and implement the UN Convention Against

Corruption (UNCAC).

• Time is of the essence. Prolonging the process of asset recovery will take a toll on the credibility

of the victim country. A prompt response is needed from countries where stolen assets are hidden.

• Global cooperation is needed to ensure that new financial havens do not replace the existing

ones and developing countries receive the legal support they need.

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:37 p.m. No.323   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>324

>>322

Examples of proposed actions include:

• Implementation of UNCAC, including developing and strengthening partnerships with multilateral

and bilateral agencies in pursuit of this effort.

• Developing a pilot program aimed at helping countries recover the stock of stolen assets by

providing the needed legal and technical assistance. This could include help on filing a request

for mutual legal assistance and advice on experts needed. Neither the WBG nor UNODC would

get directly involved in the investigation, tracing, law enforcement, prosecution,

confiscation, and repatriation of stolen assets—activities that may be best suited for

government-to-government assistance or private sector assistance, working with the rele-

vant government authorities.

• Offering countries alternatives for monitoring recovered assets, within an overall framework

of public financial management reform, to ensure transparency and effective use of those

assets. Such monitoring would be on a voluntary basis, with the agreement of all the countries

concerned, in keeping with the fundamental principle of the return of stolen assets as embod-

ied in UNCAC.

• Building global partnerships on StAR.

At the 2007 IMF-World Bank Spring Meetings, during a side-event introducing the StAR

Initiative, representatives of developed and developing countries and multilateral development

banks expressed strong support for the Initiative. The consensus was that StAR is an idea

whose time has come and that every country or international agency must do its part to make it

succeed. Indeed, a collective global effort is essential for success and unequivocally transmitting

the signal that corruption does not pay. In this sense, StAR was described as the “missing link” in

an effective anti-corruption effort. By putting corrupt leaders on notice that stolen assets will be

traced, seized, confiscated, and returned to the victim country, StAR would constitute a formidable

deterrent to corruption. Working in close partnership with the international development community,

UNODC and the WBG hope to make a positive difference to developing countries through the

StAR Initiative.

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:37 p.m. No.324   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>325

>>323

Working in close partnership with the international development

community, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the

World Bank Group hope to make a positive difference to developing

countries through the StAR initiative.

recent years, countries as far-flung and diverse as Nigeria, Peru, and the Philippines have enjoyed

some success in securing the repatriation of assets stolen by their corrupt former leaders. Success,

however, has been neither easy nor quick. Consider the Philippines. In 1986, the Republic of the

Philippines filed a request for mutual assistance with the Swiss authorities in connection with the

repatriation of Marcos deposits in Swiss banks. Twelve years elapsed before these deposits were

transferred to escrow accounts in the Philippine National Bank (PNB) and another six years passed

before the concerned $624 million was transferred to the Philippine Treasury. In between, several

major legal hurdles had to be crossed, including presenting evidence that the monies were the

product of embezzlement, diversion of public property, and plundering of the public treasury. Only

after the Philippine government won a ruling that the monies could be moved out of Switzerland

without a final conviction of Mrs. Marcos under article 74A of the International Mutual Assistance

on Criminal Matters Act (IMAC) was the money moved to the Philippine National Bank in 1998. It

was released to the Philippine Treasury in 2004 following a Philippine Supreme Court decision

ordering the forfeiture of the Marcos Swiss deposits in July 2003.1

Quite apart from the hurdles faced by developing countries in asset recovery, at least three other

sets of events have shone a spotlight on the problem of assets stolen by corrupt leaders. First,

starting in 1997, several important pieces of international legislation against corruption, bribery,

and transnational organized crime have been adopted. The landmark UN Convention Against

Corruption (UNCAC), which came into force in December 2005, includes a chapter exclusively

devoted to asset recovery, attesting to the need to address this problem urgently. Second, the

9/11 terrorist attack of the United States in 2001 has intensified the campaign against the financing

of terrorism and money laundering. The main financial centers of the world, in being seen as

a safe haven for the stolen assets of corrupt leaders, criminals, and terrorists, face a higher

reputational risk today than they did 10 years ago. Third, developing countries themselves are

gearing up to recover stolen assets and use the proceeds to fund development programs and

facilitate the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Consider the 2001

Nyanga Declaration on the recovery and repatriation of Africa’s wealth by the representatives of

Challenges, Opportunities, and Action Plan 5

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:38 p.m. No.325   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>326

>>324

Why StAR? 1. Why Now?

  1. Drawn from a December 12, 2006 statement by the Philippines’ Ombudsman to the first meeting of the State Parties to the UN

Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) in Amman, Jordan.

Transparency International in 11 African countries, which explicitly refers to”…Nigeria's President

Olusegun Obasanjo's address to the UN General Assembly in September 1999 calling for the

creation of an international convention for the repatriation of Africa's wealth illicitly appropriated

and kept abroad.”2 This support was more broadly manifested during the first session of the Ad

hoc Committee negotiating UNCAC, when developing countries from all regions decided to make

asset recovery a high priority of the Convention.

While there is clearly positive momentum and support for recovery of stolen assets, the challenges

are immense. Differences in legal systems across jurisdictions where the theft occurs and money

is laundered and parked present a formidable impediment to asset recovery. So far, countries

have largely pursued their cases on a bilateral basis and with great difficulty. And while the entering

into force of UNCAC is a big step forward, half the G-8 countries have yet to ratify it. Moreover, there

is the issue of building capacity in developing countries hoping to invoke UNCAC. The following are

likely to be impediments:

• Countries that seek the recovery of stolen assets may not have a domestic regime to deal with

money laundering and the forfeiture of stolen assets. These countries usually lack the capacity

in their criminal justice system to produce adequate and appropriate requests for international

legal assistance.

• Death, the fugitive status, and immunity of persons engaged in looting assets could impede the

process, as could the continuing political influence and power of former corrupt officials.

Even when the conditions are right for pursuing asset recovery, some developed countries may

not cooperate because they do not trust the requesting country or lack confidence in their rule

of law or for political reasons.3

Against this background of positive momentum yet immense challenge, the World Bank Group

(WBG), in partnership with the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC), is launching

the Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) initiative. The roles of these institutions will be framed by their

respective mandates: in the case of UNODC by its responsibility as the custodian of UNCAC and

Secretariat to the Conference of State Parties; and in the case of the WBG, by the recently

approved Governance and Anti-Corruption (GAC) strategy, which recognizes the need for global

action on stolen asset recovery.4

The objective of the UNODC-WBG partnership is three-fold:

• Use both institutions’ convening power to enhance cooperation between developed and developing

countries on StAR and persuade all countries to ratify and implement UNCAC. This agenda will

be pursued in close partnership with other agencies working on related topics.

6 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

  1. See http://ww1.transparency.org/pressreleases_archive/2001/nyanga_declaration.html

  2. The term “requesting” or “sending” country in the context of stolen asset recovery typically refers to developing countries from which

assets were stolen and “sent” to developed country havens (“receiving countries”). The former then request the latter to return the

stolen assets.

  1. The World Bank Group’s Board unanimously endorsed the Governance and Anti-Corruption strategy paper on March 20, 2007. See

World Bank (2007).

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:39 p.m. No.326   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>327

>>325

Build partnerships aimed at enhancing legislative, investigative, judicial, and enforcement

capacity in developing countries to enable them to successfully recover the stock of stolen

assets kept either in the home country or secreted abroad, while deterring the new flow.

• Help concerned developing countries—when voluntarily agreed within the legal framework of

UNCAC—monitor the use of recovered assets, as was done in Nigeria (discussed in section 5).

While UNCAC is clear that recovered assets should be returned, in some cases recovery efforts

could be enhanced by voluntary agreements on monitoring to ensure that recovered assets are

used transparently for developmental purposes. The WBG’s experience with public expenditure

tracking can be put to use in helping monitor the use of recovered assets, at the election of the

country in question.5 A StAR role for the WBG would thus be an integral part of its Governance

and Anti-Corruption (GAC) Strategy, with its focus on financial sector governance, transparent

and sound public financial management, global collective action, and the deterrence of corrup-

tion by public officials.

Stolen assets can be hidden either at home or abroad. The focus of this paper is on the cross-

border component of public assets stolen from developing countries. Such assets are often

hidden in banks located in the financial centers of developed countries, although financial havens

have begun to appear in emerging market countries as well. Further, multinational

corporations from developed countries are often the source of bribes paid to public officials in

developing countries. The crimes of bribery, corruption, and money laundering are inextricably

linked; indeed, money laundering (ML), understood as hiding or obscuring the source, ownership,

control, and movement of assets, could be seen as the last link in a long chain of corrupt acts.

Money laundering seeks to lower the chances of detecting stolen funds, as well as breaking the

direct link between the kleptocrat or politically exposed person (PEP) and the stolen assets by

disguising ownership.

Money laundering is a diverse activity that can range from simple wire transactions to complex

mechanisms that rely on shell banks, undisclosed trusts, and hedge funds, often set up with

advisers from developed countries. The money laundering process is usually described as involving

three main stages: placement, layering, and integration.

• Placement is the process of separating the illicit funds from their illegal source and placing

them into one or more financial institutions, domestically or internationally.

• Layering is the process of separating criminal proceeds from their source by using layers of

financial transactions designed to hide the audit trail and provide anonymity.

• Integration schemes place the laundered proceeds back into the legitimate economy in such a

way that they appear to be normal business funds.

Figure 1 illustrates the money laundering process (see p. 14).

The FATF’s annual typologies reports describe in detail the variety and “creativity” behind ML

mechanisms.14 An interesting feature is that different types of crime tend to rely on different

How Stolen 3. Money is Hidden

  1. Given the speed with which mechanisms for ML evolve, the FATF has a Typologies Working Group, which brings together experts from

law enforcement and the regulatory authorities of FATF members to share information on the latest trends in ML and terrorist financ-

ing and the effectiveness of counter-measure

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types of laundering mechanisms. Using reports from the FATF and the Egmont Group, Reuter and

Truman (2004) tabulate the laundering mechanism employed by each particular type of crime.15

They find that out of 580 cases analyzed, nearly 25 percent of them used wire transfers as the

laundering mechanism and 13 percent used front companies. They also find that, while drug traf-

ficking tends to use the full spectrum of alternatives, bribery and corruption rely heavily on wire

transfers and use significantly fewer typologies of laundering mechanisms. These differences

indicate that in order to reduce the frequency of crimes like bribery and corruption, special

attention should be given to wire transfers.16

14 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

  1. The Egmont Group is an informal international gathering of financial intelligence units.

  2. Although new mechanisms are likely to arise in response to counter-measures!

• Corruption and bribery

• Fraud

• Organized crime

• Drug and human trafficking

• Environmental crime

• Terrorism

• Other serious crime

• Initial introduction of

criminal proceeds into the

stream of commerce

• Most vulnerable stage of

money-laundering process

• Involves distancing the

money from its criminal

source:

  • movement of money to

different accounts

  • movement of money to

different countries

• Increasingly difficult

to detect

• Last stage in the laundering

process

• Occurs when the laundered

proceeds are distributed

back to the criminal

• Creates appearance

of legitimate wealth

Source: Levi, Dakolias, and Greenberg (2007, Part III).

  1. PREDICATE CRIMES

  2. INTEGRATION

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preceding description of money laundering brings out the critical importance of cooperation

between developed countries, especially the financial center jurisdictions (which often serve as

havens for assets stolen by PEPs) and the developing countries from which assets are stolen. A

recurring and serious impediment to cooperation has been the difference in legal systems

between these two sets of countries.

In recent years, some progress has been made in terms of adopting new international instruments

governing proceeds of corruption and corrupt behavior on the part of legal entities (companies)

and individuals that pay the bribes:17

• Organization of American States Inter-American Convention Against Corruption (OAS

Convention), entered into force in 1997

• OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials, entered into force in 1999

• Council of Europe’s Criminal Law Convention on Corruption, entered into force in 2002, and

the Civil Law Convention on Corruption, entered into force in 2003

• Convention of the European Union on the Fight Against Corruption, involving officials of the

European Communities or officials of member states, various protocols adopted in 1995, 1997,

1998, and 2003 (focused more narrowly on EU interests)

• African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption, adopted in Mozambique

in 2003. As of November 2004, only 4 of the 53 states had ratified the convention; it requires

15 ratifications to come into force.

• UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, entered into force in 2003. So far, 147

countries have signed, with 126 ratifications/acceptances/approvals/accessions (UN Web site)

• FATF noncooperation list, to put pressure on countries to fight money laundering.18

In what is seen as a watershed, the UN Convention Against Corruption, UNCAC, entered into

force in December 2005 as the first legally binding global anti-corruption agreement. As of

November 2006, 140 countries had signed the Convention and 92 had ratified it. This Convention

Challenges, Opportunities, and Action Plan 15

Legal Framework:

The UN Convention

Against Corruption 4. (UNCAC)

  1. See Webb (2005).

  2. See http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/4/0,2340,en_32250379_32236992_33916420_1_1_1_1,00.html

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strong affirmation that urgent, global action is needed on the problem of stolen assets; in

fact, a whole chapter is dedicated to asset recovery. Looking forward, UNCAC provides a state-

of-the-art unifying legal framework for StAR across developed and developing countries. UNCAC

contains 71 Articles (see box 1). Its legal architecture includes:19

• Prevention: This embraces wide-ranging measures directed at both the public and private sectors,

including the establishment of anti-corruption bodies and enhanced transparency in the

financing of elections, citizens’ rights, and the involvement of civil society in raising public

awareness of corruption and what can be done about it. It includes mandatory consideration

of establishing Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) responsible for analyzing suspicious financial

transaction reports filed by financial institutions.

• Criminalization: The Convention requires countries to criminalize a wide range of acts, including

bribery, embezzlement of public funds, money laundering, and obstruction of justice. It also

recommends that other acts be criminalized, such as trading in influence.

• International cooperation: UNCAC promotes cooperation between law enforcement agencies,

the protection of witnesses, and the removal of bank secrecy as a barrier for prosecution. It

also provides for mutual legal assistance in gathering and transferring evidence for use in

court and to extradite offenders. Countries are also required to help trace, freeze, and confiscate

the proceeds of corruption.

• Asset recovery: “The return of assets…is a fundamental principle of this Convention, and

States Parties shall afford one another the widest measure of cooperation and assistance in

this regard.”

Box 1 summarizes key articles of UNCAC, as well as the impediments developing countries are

likely to face in availing of its provisions

Rogue: Article 8 mandates that states parties shall promote integrity among their public officials, inter alia, by con-

sidering the establishment of codes or standards of conduct.

Article 8, paragraph 5 obliges each state party to endeavor, in order to prevent the embezzlement of public

funds, to establish measures requiring public officials to declare their assets, benefits, and outside activities

from which a conflict of interest may result with respect to their functions.

Article 9 provides that states parties shall establish transparent, competitive, and objective systems of

procurement and shall promote transparency and accountability in the management of public finances.

Article 12 requires states parties to take measures to prevent corruption and to enhance accounting and

auditing standards in the private sector.

Article 14 mandates the establishment of domestic regulatory and supervisory regimes for banks and nonbank

financial institutions in order to combat money laundering, including through international cooperation, and

recommends measures to monitor the cross-border movement of cash and monetary instruments in order to

prevent the transfer of illicit assets abroad.

Article 23 mandates the criminalization of the laundering of proceeds of crime.

Article 26 requires states parties to establish the criminal, civil, or administrative liability of legal persons for

participation in the offences established in accordance with the Convention.

Article 31 mandates the establishment of a basic regime for domestic freezing and confiscation of assets as

a prerequisite for international cooperation and the return of assets.

Article 40 requires states parties to ensure that their bank secrecy laws do not obstruct domestic criminal

investigations of offences established in accordance with the Convention.

Article 43 obligates states parties to extend the widest possible cooperation to one another in the investigation

and prosecution of offences defined in the Convention. Thus the Convention requires that when requested, states

parties must take measures to identify, trace, and freeze or seize proceeds of crime, property, equipment, or

other instrumentalities.

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Article 46 provides that states parties shall afford one another the widest measure of mutual legal assistance

in investigations, prosecutions, and judicial proceedings, including for the purpose of the return of assets.

Article 51 states: “The return of assets [derived from corruption] is a fundamental principle of [UNCAC] and

State Parties shall afford one another the widest measure of cooperation and assistance in this regard.”

Article 52 requires states to take reasonable steps to determine the identity of the beneficial owners of funds

deposited into high value accounts and to conduct enhanced scrutiny of accounts sought or maintained by or

on behalf of individuals who are, or have been, entrusted with prominent public functions and their family

members and close associates (essentially, due diligence with regard to PEPs).

Article 55 requires a state party to enforce a confiscation order from another state party or begin its own

proceedings to obtain a domestic order of confiscation and, if granted, give effect to it.

Article 57 requires the return of confiscated property to a requesting state party—in cases of public fund

embezzlement or laundering of embezzled funds—on the basis of final judgment in the requesting state;

however, this condition can be waived by the requested state.

Article 57 also requires the return of confiscated property to a requested state in cases of other offences

(including money laundering) covered by the Convention when confiscation was properly executed on the

basis of a final judgment—which may be waived—and upon reasonable establishment of prior ownership by the

requesting state or recognition of damage by the requested state (Art. 57, para. 3b).

Article 57, paragraph 5 provides that states parties may give special consideration to bilateral agreements on

a case-by-case basis to address the final disposal of confiscated property.

Source: UN Convention Against Corruption, adopted by General Assembly resolution 58/4 of October 31, 2003.

It came into force on December 14, 2005

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Three country case studies on Nigeria, Peru, and the Philippines were prepared on stolen asset

recovery as part of the background for this report. Drawing upon these case studies, this section

summarizes the key findings and challenges related to StAR. The reason for selecting these

countries from the several that have suffered the consequences of grand corruption is two-fold:

the relatively easy availability of documentation, and some success in recovering stolen assets.

The section starts by providing a synopsis of each country’s experience. It then presents the

main findings organized around three topics: theft and spiriting away of assets; asset recovery

efforts; and monitoring use of recovered assets. The section concludes by defining the challenges

flowing from the findings.

5.1 SYNOPSIS OF COUNTRY CASE STUDIES

5.1.a Nigeria20

General Sani Abacha, who had governed Nigeria for five years from 1993 to 1998, died on June

8, 1998 of a reported heart attack. He is estimated to have looted from $3 billion to $5 billion

over the five years of his rule.21 His death prompted the opening of investigations, first by General

Abdusalami Abubakar and then by President Olusegun Obasanjo, into Abacha’s criminal dealings,

culminating in campaigns to recover the assets stolen by him and his associates and hidden both

within and especially outside the country.

Abacha is alleged to have used four methods for plundering public assets: outright theft from the

public treasury through the central bank; inflation of the value of public contracts; extortion of

bribes from contractors; and fraudulent transactions. The corruptly acquired proceeds were laun-

dered through a complex web of banks and front companies in several countries and localities, but

principally Nigeria, the UK, Switzerland, Luxembourg, Liechtenstein, Jersey, and the Bahamas.

18 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

Findings from 5. Country Case Studies

  1. Based on a case study by Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, commissioned as an analytical background paper in support of the StAR Initiative.

  2. Table 1, based on TI (2004), lists the range as $2 billion to $5 billion.

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chronology of events leading to eventual repatriation was as follows:

• In 1998 a Special Police Investigation was launched to investigate Abacha’s theft.

• On May 26, 1999, General Abubakar issued Decree No. 53, which facilitated the domestic recovery

of $800 million in cash and assets from the Abacha family and associates.

• President Obasanjo, who assumed office in May 1999, redoubled the effort to find more of the

stolen assets. In September 1999, the Nigerian government engaged a Swiss legal firm,

Monfrini and Partners, to assist with tracing and recovering of monies held abroad.

• Swiss authorities accepted a request for Mutual Legal Assistance on December 1999, leading

to the issuance of a general freezing order.

• Before the funds could be repatriated, however, Swiss law required Nigeria to present the Swiss

authorities with a final forfeiture judgment reached in the Nigerian courts. This proved legally

and politically daunting. In a landmark ruling rendered in 2004, Monfrini and Partners got

around this hurdle by arguing successfully that, since there was adequate proof of the criminal

origin of the Abacha funds, Swiss authorities could waive the final forfeiture requirement.

• It took Nigeria five years to obtain a repatriation decision from the Swiss authorities due to

numerous appeals brought by the Abachas, who employed large numbers of lawyers to block

or slow down the case.

• After a series of negotiations, which led to the selection of the World Bank as a bona fide third

party for the monitoring of recovered assets, repatriation finally took place in September and

November 2005 and early 2006, for a total of $505.5 million.

• With a grant from the Swiss government, the World Bank mobilized Nigerian civil society

organizations to participate in the review and analysis of the use of the looted funds. The

review found that the funds had generally been used to increase budget spending in support

of the MDG areas, as promised.

5.1.b Peru22

During the 10 years President Alberto Fujimori was in office (1990–2000), the intelligence police

chief, Vladimiro Montesinos, methodically bribed judges, politicians, and the news media. On

September 14 2000, cable Channel N broadcast a video showing Montesinos bribing

Congressman Alex Kuori with $15,000. This event was followed by investigations that led to

Fujimori’s resignation and uncovered a network of corruption that had taken control of the country,

undermining the institutional governance systems that existed in the country (the Constitution,

elections, rule of law, free press, independent judiciary). During Fujimori’s administration, more

than $2 billion was allegedly stolen from the state.23 After his resignation, the interim government

led by President Valentín Paniagua redesigned the legal and institutional framework. A new

Anti-corruption System was put in place, which included the creation of prosecution

agencies and anti-corruption courts, as well as a series of innovations to the judicial system:

the establishment of a negotiated justice system (plea bargaining), special criminal proceedings,

and procedural instruments.

Challenges, Opportunities, and Action Plan 19

  1. Based on a case study by Victor A. Dumas, commissioned as an analytical background paper in support of the StAR Initiative.

  2. Table 1, based on TI (2004), suggests $600 million as being looted by Fujimori, citing as its source the Office of the Special State

Attorney for the Montesinos/Fujimori case, Peru.

Rogue: main source of theft by Montesinos and his cronies was through the extortion of bribes in

awarding national defense procurement contracts. These bribes were hidden from the public

based on a legal provision that allowed the executive to deny disclosure of the bidding process

on the grounds of “national security.” For laundering their proceeds, Montesinos and his cronies

used shell companies based in tax haven jurisdictions that were managed by trustees.

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The main events during the Peruvian asset recovery experience were as follows:

• In November 2000, two months after the scandal broke and with Montesinos on the loose,

Swiss authorities froze $48 million linked to him and his cronies.

• That same month, Fujimori appointed a Special Prosecutor to investigate the Montesinos affair.

Fujimori then proceeded to leave the country and seek asylum in Japan.

• Between December 2000 and January 2001, the Peruvian government introduced the afore-

mentioned legislative and judicial reforms, which proved fundamental to the advancement of

investigations, the dismantling of the prevailing corruption network, and the repatriation of

part of the stolen assets.

• In March 2001, the Cayman Islands froze nearly $33 million, which was repatriated to Peru in

August 2001.

• In June 2001, Montesinos was captured in Caracas and extradited to Peru.

• In August 2002, after almost two years of investigation and litigation, Swiss authorities

returned $77.5 million to the Peruvian government.

• In January 2004, after the signature of a bilateral agreement, the United States repatriated to

Peru $20 million in funds that it forfeited from Montesinos and one of his associates.

• All the repatriated assets went into a special fund called FEDADOI, which was managed by a

board of five members appointed from different government ministries.

• Although guidelines and detailed procedures were defined to ensure the transparent use of

the nearly $185 million in recovered assets, these resources ended up mainly supplementing

the budgets of the institutions that had a member on the FEDADOI board.

5.1.c The Philippines24

Ferdinand Marcos started accumulating his ill-gotten wealth in 1965, when he was first elected

president. He was reelected four years later but declared Martial Law in September 1972, before

his second term was completed. The Martial Law regime continued until February 1986, when

Marcos was toppled by the so-called peaceful “People Power Revolution”. He is estimated to have

siphoned off between $5 and $10 billion.

This ill-gotten wealth was accumulated through six channels: outright takeover of large private

enterprises; creation of state-owned monopolies in vital sectors of the economy; awarding

government loans to private individuals acting as fronts for Marcos or his cronies; direct raiding

of the public treasury and government financial institutions; kickbacks and commissions from

20 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

  1. Based on a case study by Leonor Briones, commissioned as an analytical background paper in support of the StAR Initiative.

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firms working in the Philippines; and skimming off foreign aid and other forms of international

assistance. The proceeds of corruption were laundered through the use of shell corporations,

which invested the funds in real estate inside the United States, or by depositing the funds in various

domestic and offshore banks under pseudonyms, in numbered accounts or accounts with code names.

The asset recovery efforts of the Philippines extended over 18 years before achieving some

success. The following were the landmark events:25

• February 28, 1986—The Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) was launched

and made responsible for recovering assets stolen by Marcos. Informal representations were

made to the U.S. and Swiss courts to freeze Marcos assets abroad.

• March 25, 1986—Swiss authorities froze Marcos assets in Switzerland.

• April 7, 1986—PCGG filed a request for mutual assistance with the Swiss Federal Police

Department under the provisions of the International Mutual Assistance on Criminal Matters

Act (IMAC). This was not accepted, on the grounds of being “indeterminate and generic.”

• December 21, 1990—The Swiss Federal Supreme Court authorized the transfer of Swiss banking

documents on Marcos deposits in Geneva, Zurich, and Fribourg to the Philippine government.

It gave the Philippine government one year in which to file a case for the forfeiture of the

deposits in Philippine courts, failing which the freeze would be lifted.

• December 17, 1991—PCGG filed civil case 141 in Sandiganbayan,26 seeking to recover the Marcos

assets.

• August 10, 1995—PCGG filed with the District Attorney in Zurich a Petition for Additional

Request for Mutual Assistance asking for asset repatriation even before the rendering of a

final judgment in the Philippines. It also showed that the Marcos assets in Switzerland were a

product of embezzlement, fraud, and the plunder of the public treasury.

• August 21, 1995—Examining Magistrate Peter Cosandey granted the request and ordered all

Marcos-related securities and accounts transferred to an escrow account with the Philippine

National Bank (PNB). However, the Zurich Superior Court of Appeals denied the Order.

• December 10, 1997—The Swiss Federal Supreme Court upheld Cosandey’s Order. In April 1998,

the Swiss deposits were transferred to an escrow account in PNB.

• July 15, 2003—The Philippine Supreme Court issued a forfeiture decision in respect of the

Marcos Swiss deposits.

• February 4, 2004—PCGG remitted to the Bureau of the Treasury the amount of $624 million

pertaining to the deposits.

Challenges, Opportunities, and Action Plan 21

  1. Drawing upon Marcelo (2005) and the statement by the Ombudsman of the Republic of the Philippines delivered on December 12,

2006 to the first meeting of the State Parties to UNCAC in Amman, Jordan.

  1. This is a special court in the Philippines that has jurisdiction over criminal and civil cases involving graft, corrupt practices, and other

offenses committed by public officers and employees.

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ASSET THEFT FACILITATED BY LACK OF TRANSPARENCY AND LOW

PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY

Six main findings are presented in this section. These are supported by the evidence provided by

the background country case studies.

Finding 1: Lack of transparency and low public accountability facilitate the looting of public

assets. Typically, adherence to principles of open, accountable government tends to be weak,

with deficiencies in the system of checks and balances and key public institutions, limited

freedom of civil society organizations to monitor public activity, and low respect for—or out-

right flouting of—the rule of law.

It is not a coincidence that at the height of the looting, all three countries had governmental systems

in place that lacked transparency and public accountability. This first finding stresses the importance

of promoting open, accountable government, building institutional capacity, and implementing a

system of checks and balances in developing countries.

Finding 2: Despite high levels of corruption, small steps toward accountability and transparency

may significantly reduce the theft of public assets.

Table 1 (page 11) shows that while Marcos looted between 1.5 and 4.5 percent of annual GDP, and

while Abacha stole between 1.5 and 3.7 percent, Fujimori/Montesinos were able to steal only

about 0.1 percent of GDP for every year in power.27 A closer look at how assets were stolen reveals

important differences between Marcos and Abacha, on the one hand, and Montesinos/Fujimori on

the other. Marcos and Abacha unabashedly raided the public treasury by having truckloads of foreign

currency stolen from the central bank. They also had a significantly smaller network of cronies

than did Montesinos/Fujimori, mainly because the complete lack of accountability reduced the

need to get others “on board” in order to accomplish their criminal purposes. The Peru case

shows how large amounts had to be “invested” by Montesinos and Fujimori in bribing judges and

media sources, in order to accomplish their looting.28 The Peru case study also shows that the

processes used by Montesinos/Fujimori to spirit away assets were far more sophisticated than

moving truckloads of cash or wiring funds out of the central bank. In Peru, most of the theft was

made through the extortion of bribes from public contractors, particularly regarding the pur-

chase of materiel for the armed forces and police. This stealing pattern was made possible by

classifying such purchases as a state secret; this made it difficult for Congress or any other pub-

lic institution to exercise oversight.

22 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

  1. The magnitude of the theft from the Philippines shows that grand corruption, while more likely in countries rich in natural resources,

is by no means confined to such countries.

  1. This raises the question of whether the $600 million allegedly looted by Fujimori was net of bribes paid to others. There is no infor-

mation on this. If net, then actual theft would have been higher.

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short, established processes of open and accountable government, a system of checks and

balances, public accountability, and strong institutional capacity can keep corrupt leaders in

check and should be the first line of defense against asset theft.

Finding 3: The main techniques used to launder the proceeds of corruption include wire

transfers, the use of shell corporations in bank secrecy jurisdictions, and direct deposits in

the form of cash or bearer instruments.

This narrow spectrum of laundering techniques, as opposed to the broader one employed in

other illegal activities like drug trafficking, suggests that concentrating efforts on monitoring a

specific set of transactions and related institutions might have a significant deterrent effect on

corrupt leaders.29

5.3 DOMESTIC POLITICAL WILL AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION KEY

TO ASSET RECOVERY

Any successful asset recovery effort must have its origin in the domestic political will to go after

the stolen assets as an integral part of a process of basic governance reform.

Finding 4: Strong domestic political will to embark on the long and winding road to asset

recovery is fundamental to successful asset recovery. The willingness and ability to intro-

duce legislative reforms and prosecute former corrupt officials, despite the power and influ-

ence they might still wield, are unambiguous signals that the government is serious about

asset recovery.

The three case studies analyzed were selected because they are to some extent success stories

on stolen asset recovery. It would be interesting to compare their experience with that of countries

that suffered a different fate (such as Kenya’s so far unsuccessful effort to recover funds allegedly

embezzled by Daniel Arap Moi).30 The Government of the Philippines sustained an effort over 18

years to recover part of Marcos’s loot. The case studies on Abacha and Fujimori/Montesinos

stress the importance of introducing domestic reforms that can boost domestic asset recovery

and/or provide overseas investigators with a minimum critical amount of information to launch

the process of asset repatriation. The introduction of judicial reforms in Peru like the Negotiated

Justice System, and General Abubakar’s Decree No. 53 of 1999 in Nigeria that led to the domestic

confiscation of nearly $800 million in assets stolen by Abacha and his cronies, underline this

important point.31

  1. However, new techniques are constantly evolving in response to counter-measures and as financial technology becomes more sophisticated.

  2. Scher (2005) highlights the lack of domestic political will as one of the reasons for Kenya’s unsuccessful attempt to recover assets

allegedly stolen by Moi.

  1. To the extent that such measures are ad hoc, they should be seen only as the first step in more basic institutional and legal reform.

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Finding 5: Little can be achieved without the effective cooperation and goodwill of countries

where proceeds of corruption are hidden.

The importance of international cooperation becomes evident when contrasting the eighteen-

year Philippine saga in recovering Marcos’s loot with the three to five years it took Peru and

Nigeria to recover assets stolen by Montesinos and Abacha, respectively. The fact that Swiss

authorities issued a general freezing order against Abacha with only a limited amount of initial

evidence, and their decision to investigate Montesinos and freeze $48 million on November 3,

2000, even before Peru formally requested it, illustrates a positive shift in the attitude toward

international cooperation in stolen asset restitution.

5.4 MONITORING USE OF RECOVERED ASSETS IMPEDED BY WEAK

SYSTEMS AND FUNGIBILITY

The three country case studies exhibit mixed results in monitoring the use of recovered assets.

Box 2 highlights some of the features of each country’s monitoring framework.

In Nigeria, monitoring followed sound practice but experienced difficulties in the presence of

constraints. Recovered assets in the Philippines were suspected of being been poorly used. In

Peru, while the spending superficially adhered to standard budgetary procedures, the allocation

was decided not by Congress, but by a five-member board susceptible to special interests.

The experiences of these three countries illustrate one major point:

Finding 6: To varying degree, the monitoring program in each case study country fell short,

either because sound international practice in public financial management was not followed

or systems were weak.

Adhering to sound practice in public financial management is complicated because resources are

fungible and systems tend to be weak; but above all because tracking systems tend to be perceived

as intrusive and therefore require political will to implement.

Monitoring the use of recovered assets in the context of StAR and UNCAC can take place only on

a voluntary basis; the unilateral imposition of measures regarding the monitoring of funds would

be a violation of UNCAC. The international legal framework, as well as the technical and political

difficulties inherent in public financial management, is likely to make the monitoring of the use

of funds in the context of StAR a difficult challenge.

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BOX 2. MONITORING THE USE OF RECOVERED ASSETS: EXPERIENCE OF NIGERIA, PERU,

AND THE PHILIPPINES

Nigeria

Nigeria received some $500 million in 2005 from Switzerland as part of the restitution of assets stolen by

Sani Abacha and kept in Swiss banks. The stated purpose for the money was for incremental funding of MDG-

related activities in the budget (such as health, education, and rural infrastructure programs) within the context

of the government’s new National Economic Empowerment and Development strategy (NEEDs). Nigeria followed

good practice principles in using these resources as general revenues, and expending them through its usual

public financial processes. However, the funds were originally expected to be received in 2004 and were therefore

included in the 2004 budget. With the delay in restitution, the incremental 2004 spending was eventually

financed through new debt; the monies were received only in 2005. This caused complications in tracking

spending. Weaknesses of the Nigerian public financial management system also made tracking of spending

difficult, including shortcomings in Nigeria’s public audit system that should itself have monitored fund use.

Nevertheless, a World Bank Public Expenditure Review found that the funds had generally been used in accordance

with stated policy. Nigeria has since adopted a virtual poverty fund approach for monitoring the use of funds

resulting from debt relief in support of the MDGs, where existing budget classification systems are used

to identify the specific activities receiving additional funds. This enables total spending on those activities,

from all sources, to be monitored.

Peru

Peru recovered approximately $180 million over a five-year period beginning in 2001. On October 28, 2001,

the government set up the Fund for Special Administration of Money Obtained Illicitly to the Detriment of

the State (FEDADOI). The goal of the fund was to provide a framework that would allow the appropriate and

transparent management of the proceeds of corruption recovered by the state. While money from the fund

went through normal budgetary channels, the specific allocations were determined by board members of

FEDADOI. Spending items were not clearly set out in advance and the funds were used to supplement the annual

fiscal budget of agencies that had an appointed member on the FEDADOI board. Questionable spending allo-

cations resulted. For example, the Interior Ministry received over $9 million in 2004 that were used for the

payment of vacations for both active and retired police personnel outstanding from fiscal years 1995 and

1996.

The Philippines

The largest single cash remittance from looted Marcos funds was made in February 2004, when $624 million

was taken out of escrow and remitted to the Philippines Treasury. All receipts from assets recovered went

through an off-budget fund called the “Agrarian Reform Fund,” to be spent on agrarian reform programs.

In October 2006, the Commission on Audit noted that a significant portion of the recovered assets were used

to finance excessive, unnecessary expenses unlikely to benefit the agrarian reform beneficiaries. Monies were

also found to have been used to procure items at inflated prices, while many spending items were not among

the approved priority projects

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CHALLENGES AHEAD

This section outlines the challenges related to the above findings. The first challenge is based on

Findings 1 and 2, on the importance of open and accountable public processes and strong

public institutions.

Challenge 1: Developing countries seeking to recover stolen assets need to strengthen their

public institutions and promote a system of checks and balances that increases accountability

and transparency. The international donor community should assist these countries in the

development of open and accountable government.

While responding to this challenge is primarily the responsibility of the developing countries

themselves, the international community could play an important role in helping countries that

genuinely want to get out of the corruption trap. The WBG’s GAC platform and UNODC’s global

efforts fit squarely into this agenda.

It stands to reason that stolen assets are most vulnerable to detection during the initial place-

ment overseas as part of the laundering process (see figure 1). This assumption, combined with

Finding 3 on the favored techniques for laundering stolen assets, suggests that financial centers

in developed countries need to speed up the implementation of guidelines that would increase

the chances of detection during this initial stage and in applying sanctions when these guidelines

are not followed. This leads to the second challenge:

Challenge 2: Jurisdictions need to implement requirements on due diligence (including “know

your customer” norms) and should comply with the FATF 40 +9 Recommendations on Anti-

Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism, particularly in the case of

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs), as well as transactions involving wire transfers.32

Domestic political will, while necessary for success in StAR, may not suffice. Countries that suffer

from widespread corruption and the looting of assets are also likely to be less able to respond

rapidly when such crimes are detected because of the weakening of public institutions. The lack

of resources and institutional capacity to conduct investigations, file requests for mutual legal

assistance in receiving countries, and pay the onerous fees of international law firms erect barriers

to asset recovery. The next challenge focuses on developing assistance programs for such countries.

26 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

  1. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is an inter-governmental body whose purpose is the development and promotion of national

and international policies to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. The FATF Standards are comprised of the Forty

Recommendations on Money Laundering and the Nine Special Recommendations on Terrorist Financing. For more information see

http://www.fatf-gafi.org/pages/0,3417,en_32250379_32235720_1_1_1_1_1,00.htm

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Challenge 3: Effective and efficient mechanisms are needed that will enable developing

countries to quickly respond to asset theft and provide them with the necessary technical

assistance in this complex process.

Many developing countries lack the capacity to prepare indictments, collect, preserve and present

evidence, properly adjudicate cases and obtain convictions, as well as trace the proceeds of corruption

and obtain valid freezing and confiscation orders. More broadly, an important roadblock exists

because of the limited capacity of the law enforcement, prosecutorial, and judicial authorities—in

short, the criminal justice system—to effectively prevent asset looting and recover stolen assets

in a manner that meets internationally accepted legal standards.

The related challenge is to capitalize on the attention StAR is receiving in the international com-

munity and push for the ratification and implementation of UNCAC. Responding to this challenge

will go a long way not only in recovering assets but also in deterring asset theft in the first place.

Challenge 4: All countries need to be persuaded to ratify UNCAC. State parties to the

Convention need to domesticate UNCAC and monitor its implementation.

Asset recovery entails an extensive list of complications and difficulties that include completing

investigations in two different jurisdictions, legal differences between common law and civil law

countries, complying with confiscation procedures in the law, burden of proof and dual criminality

conditions, to name just a few. UNCAC is a big step forward in addressing many of these issues.

If countries adhere to UNCAC and domesticate its provisions while also funding agencies in

charge of prosecuting and investigating asset recovery cases, then corrupt leaders are much less

likely to find a safe haven for the proceeds of their theft.

Half the G-8 countries have not yet ratified the Convention, nor have some of the most important

financial centers. Further, UNCAC does not yet have a monitoring mechanism; the Conference of

State Parties held in Amman in December 2006 agreed on a self-assessment mechanism that is

nonintrusive, does not produce any form of ranking, and complements other existing international

and regional review mechanisms. This review method is less stringent than those established in

other multilateral agreements like the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption

or those included in the OECD Convention against Bribery.

Challenge 5: A framework needs to be developed for monitoring the use of recovered assets

that adheres to sound principles of pubic financial management, conforms to UNCAC, and

offers countries a menu of options tailored to their specific institutional constraints and/or

any terms set down in the treaties between the restituting and recipient countries.

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following basic principles would need to be reflected in formulating a framework:33

• All public expenditures need to be monitored, not just expenditures financed with recovered

assets. Budget resources are fungible, so in practice it may be difficult to show that recovered

assets have been used for additional spending in the areas laid out in a government’s medium-term

spending plan.34 Measuring only the spending resulting from recovered assets will not, there-

fore, provide insights into the government’s efforts to redirect spending into priority areas as

a result of repatriating assets. In order to achieve the enduring value of a more transparent,

robust public finance system, the focus of improvements in the public financial management

system should be comprehensive, extending beyond recovered assets.

• Ring-fencing of recovered funds to separate these from regular budgetary operations may not

be effective, and such parallel public finance systems could weaken mainstream systems. The

Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, for example, recognizes the importance of strengthening

overall country public financial management (PFM) systems, not simply those handling donor

funds. Strengthening a country’s overall PFM system helps assure that all public funds are

used as intended, regardless of source. Strengthening country PFM systems will help prevent,

detect, and deter the theft of public assets, in addition to tracking public expenditures.

If country public financial management systems are weak, the decision should not be to go with

a parallel system but to instead use some combination of country and parallel systems. Over

time, this combination will improve country systems. This would be consistent with the concept

of using country systems for donor funds. The challenge is to identify specific weaknesses and

then develop supplemental measures that strengthen country systems and provide some assurance

of proper functioning. In cases where budget systems are particularly weak, short-term adaptations

to existing budget systems may be made to produce the requisite data on the spending items

desired for use by recovered assets. A virtual poverty fund is an example of such a short-term

bridging mechanism (such as in Nigeria). The existing budget system is used to tag and track

spending items without setting up of separate institutional arrangements.35 Appendix A provides

options for supplementing PFM systems where specific aspects are deemed weak. Box 3 details

the steps involved in monitoring public assets.

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BOX 3. STEPS IN MONITORING PUBLIC ASSETS

There are some basic principles that should be followed for ALL assets, including looted assets. These are:

• Officially (publicly) recording receipt of the asset (amount, value, date of receipt, date of availability for use)

• Safeguarding of the asset once received

• Official declaration of intended use of the asset (specific uses, amounts, time period of availability,

entity responsible for executing the activity and expending the asset and accountable for results),

customarily through the approved budget

• Official recording of actual expenditure (amount, object of expenditure, date)

• Official reporting of actual expenditure (amount, object of expenditure, date) and results achieved

• Official audit of financial statements and results to verify accuracy of reporting, identify weaknesses,

and assure that appropriate processes were followed (procurement, hiring, accounting, and the like)

• Official response to material weaknesses identified in audit findings (corrective actions to be taken and

actually taken).

Source: Authors.

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Preliminary consultations with high-ranking officials in the finance and development ministries

of developed countries, including the G-8, have indicated strong support for the StAR initiative.

African countries have been concerned about the restitution of stolen assets at least since 1999,

when Nigeria's President Obasanjo's address to the UN General Assembly included a plea for an

international convention for the repatriation of Africa's wealth illicitly appropriated and kept

abroad.36 At the 2007 IMF-World Bank Spring meetings, during a side-event introducing the StAR

initiative, representatives of developed and developing countries and multilateral development

banks present there expressed unanimous support for the initiative. The consensus was that

StAR is an idea whose time has come and that every country or international agency has to play

its part in ensuring the initiative’s success; indeed, a collective global effort is essential for

success and unequivocally transmitting the signal that corruption does not pay. In this sense,

StAR was described as the “missing link” in an effective anti-corruption effort. By putting corrupt

leaders on notice that stolen assets will be traced, seized, confiscated, and returned to the victim

country, StAR would constitute a formidable deterrent to corruption.

The Action Plan presented next reflects feedback from various stakeholders on the essential

ingredients for a successful effort, which to a large extent overlap with the insights and challenges

emerging from the country case studies presented above:

• Political will, legal reform, and enhancement of investigative capacity are needed in developed

countries, not just the developing countries. The former should see stolen asset recovery as a

development issue (because it is a signal against corruption while also providing a source of

development funds).

• Time is of the essence. For most developing countries, prolonging the process of asset recovery

will take a toll on credibility and give kleptocrats an excuse to claim victimization. A prompt,

proactive response is needed from countries where stolen assets are stashed.

30 Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative:

6.

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global partnership must be formed to ensure that new financial havens do not replace

the existing ones and that developing countries receive the legal support they need.

• Civil society and the media in developing countries should be brought into the process of

monitoring the use of recovered assets, where feasible.

6.1 ACTION PLAN MATRIX

At the simplest level, there are two ways to help developing countries recover stolen assets. One

is to lower the hurdles they face when seeking the return of assets located in other jurisdictions.

The second is to strengthen laws and institutions governing asset recovery in these countries.

Thus actions can be grouped under two headings: reducing barriers in developed countries to

recover stolen assets; and strengthening the ability of developing countries to recover them. In

addition, to ensure transparency, monitoring the use of recovered assets on a voluntary basis,

with the agreement of all the countries concerned, is likely to be needed. Table 3 presents a

matrix of recommended relevant actions under the two headings that could be taken by developed

(G-8 and OECD) and developing countries, other stakeholders, and UNODC and the WBG. It

reflects feedback from various consultations and the challenges emerging from the country case

studies outlined above.

The following points are worth noting about the Action Plan: first, a successful StAR effort

requires that the G-8 and OECD lead by example, which would include ratification of UNCAC by

those countries that have not already done so and actively facilitating requests for mutual legal

assistance from developing countries regarding stolen asset recovery. Second, given UNCAC’s

position as the state-of-the-art international legal framework underpinning asset recovery (see

section 4), ratification and implementation of UNCAC by all countries is given special prominence.

Third, the critical need for concerted global action by all countries and relevant agencies is

emphasized by including a role for financial system regulators and the nonfinancial sector.

Fourth, the last row of the table focuses on joint actions by UNODC and the WBG, which fall into

three parts: assistance for individual country-level efforts; using their convening power to advocate

for stolen assets recovery; and sponsoring a forum for sharing experiences among developing

countries in stolen asset recovery.

In addition to what is presented in the table, there are several multilateral and bilateral agencies

that are already playing an important role directly or indirectly in stolen asset recovery. The next

section discusses specific actions that the UNODC and WBG need to take in order to benefit from

the work and expertise of these agencies, including actively involving them in the effort. The next

section also discusses specific actions—such as on monitoring the use of recovered funds—that may

draw upon the comparative advantage of one of these institutions: the WBG, in this particular case.

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PLAN MATRIX

Reduce barriers in

developed countries

Strengthen capacity of

developing countries

G-8 and OECD • Lead by example and play strong advocacy role

in the global arena

• Ratify and implement UNCAC

• Monitor progress on 2004 G-8 Justice and

Home Affairs Ministers’ Declaration on recover-

ing proceeds of corruption

• Proactively assist developing countries in recov-

ering stolen assets in whatever form (including

bank accounts, stocks, and real estate)

• Comply with all FATF recommendations, espe-

cially those on politically exposed persons

(PEPs) and Know Your Customer (KYC) norms

• Put pressure on emerging market countries

serving as havens for stolen assets to ratify and

implement UNCAC.

• Consider adopting measures to permit non-

conviction based confiscation, enforcement of

foreign confiscation judgments and other effec-

tive mechanisms to assist in asset recovery

• Fund programs or directly provide developing

countries with technical assistance that would

enhance the capacity of the criminal justice

system—law enforcement, prosecutorial, and

judicial authorities—to effectively prevent

asset looting and recover the proceeds of

corruption in accordance with internationally

accepted legal standards.

Developing countries • Ensure complete ratification and implementa-

tion of UNCAC

• Fund, staff, and ensure independence of

Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs)

• Comply with all FATF recommendations,

especially those on politically exposed persons

(PEPs) and Know Your Customer (KYC) norms

• Strengthen FIUs and capacity to thwart

money laundering

• Develop capacity to respond to and file inter-

national mutual legal assistance requests

• Adopt and implement effective confiscation

measures, including non-conviction based

confiscation legislation

• Enhance transparency and accountability of

public financial management (PFM) systems

• Create and strengthen national anti-

corruption agencies

Financial system

regulating agencies

• Enforce penalties for financial institutions doing

business with corrupt individuals and PEPs

without due diligence

• Comply with FATF 40+9 recommendations

• Establish clear guidelines, regarding the treat-

ment of PEPs

• Strengthen anti-money laundering regimes by

enforcing KYC, record keeping, and reporting

requirements, especially in relation to PEPs.

Nonfinancial private

sector and NGOs

• Provide training for specialized units in

developing countries in asset recovery

• Engage civil society and media to help in

monitoring use of recovered assets.

UNODC and World

Bank Group

• Form Friends of StAR group composed of influential individuals from developed

and developing countries to monitor progress and advise on the StAR initiative

• Sponsor forum for sharing worldwide experience in stolen asset recovery

• Provide technical assistance to five to six developing countries on implementing UNCAC

• Encourage receiving countries to incorporate civil society and media in monitorin

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UNODC and WBG are working to formulate a joint effort on stolen asset recovery within the

framework of global collective action envisaged in the above matrix. The WBG role would be

defined by its mandate under the Governance and Anti-Corruption strategy approved by the

Board in March 2007. Likewise, the UNODC role would be defined by its designation as the custodian

for UNCAC and the Secretariat for the Conference of State Parties to UNCAC. The UNODC and

WBG would not be involved directly in the investigation, tracing, law enforcement, prosecution,

confiscation, and repatriation of stolen assets: the experience of countries such as Nigeria suggests

that these activities may be best suited for government-to-government assistance or private sector

assistance, working with the relevant government authorities.

The discussion below examines in more detail three sets of important actions from the above

matrix: building global partnerships on StAR; building institutional capacity at the country level;

and implementing and monitoring UNCAC.

6.2.a Building Global Partnerships on StAR

UNODC and the WBG have established a joint working group to take the StAR initiative forward.

An important objective is to include other institutions with an interest in asset recovery; a concerted,

global effort is vital for success. Appendix B briefly describes what other official, multicountry

agencies are doing in this field. An immediate action that could be pursued in this context is to

convene a meeting of experts on confiscation and asset recovery, along with representatives

from selected developing countries, to share experiences and identify good practices that can be

shared more broadly.

A broader partnership will also be needed to implement coordinated, international requests to

freeze assets in relation to a specific Politically Exposed Person (PEP). One of the biggest chal-

lenges facing developing countries is in getting other countries to freeze stolen assets. These

requests are usually made before criminal or civil investigations have been initiated, often with-

out knowing bank account transaction information and sometimes while the government official

is still covered by some form of domestic immunity. The problem is that a PEP could easily move

funds from one jurisdiction to another in order to escape detection and freezing. UNODC and

WBG, in partnership with other agencies and individual governments, could seek to establish a

uniform request methodology for victim governments to use in making simultaneous interna-

tional requests for assistance in freezing stolen assets.

A related initiative involves the creation of a StAR Focal Point List, to help sending countries to

know whom to contact in receiving countries for immediate assistance in the case of an emergency.

The speed of electronic communications (including wire transfers) and the perishability of evidence

require real-time assistance. The G-8 and others have established 24-hour contact systems to

handle terrorism, computer crime, and other issues. There is no list or system for contacting

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designated national officials who can act as focal points to help countries handle stolen asset

cases, especially those involving PEPs, other government officials, and those who might have

bribed public officials. The UNODC and WBG can work with other agencies to establish a 24-hour,

seven-day Focal Point List of officials in countries who can respond to emergency requests for

assistance. Appendix C contains a draft questionnaire that can be used to help identify focal

points and the information needed to provide responses. The StAR Focal Points can serve as a

channel for international PEP freeze requests.

Another initiative pertains to the formation of a Friends of StAR Group (FSTAR). The cooperation

of the international community is needed to ensure that financial centers meet certain minimum

levels of transparency and agree to cooperate with law enforcement authorities from other juris-

dictions. FSTAR would be an advisory group consisting of distinguished and influential individuals

from countries with a special interest or expertise in stolen asset recovery, with the following

terms of reference:

• Serve as a forum to understand the problems faced by countries in the areas of confiscation,

asset recovery, and international cooperation in anti-money laundering and stolen asset recovery,

and develop recommendations to solve these problems.

• Advocate for ratification and implementation of UNCAC, particularly in developed (receiving)

countries.

6.2.b Building Institutional Capacity and Providing Technical Assistance at the Country Level

First, at the individual country level, the UNODC-WBG effort would follow a two-track approach

consisting of short-run immediate actions and longer-run institution building interventions.

Defining what is needed would depend upon the specific country context and the dimensions of

the stolen asset problem. Immediate actions are likely to include technical assistance to the

country on filing a request for mutual legal assistance, how to approach receiving countries, and

advising on contracts with lawyers and forensic accountants working with the relevant country

authorities.

UNODC and WBG would identify five to six countries for targeted technical assistance on imple-

menting UNCAC and enhancing the capacity of the criminal justice system to effectively prevent

asset looting and approach asset recovery consistent with internationally accepted legal standards.

This technical assistance will also target the recommended actions for developing countries in

table 3:

• Bring about complete ratification and implementation of UNCAC (see p. 37)

• Fund, staff, and ensure independence of Financial Intelligence Units

• Strengthen FIUs and anti-money laundering capacity

• Develop capacity to respond to and file international mutual legal assistance requests

• Enhance transparency and accountability of public financial management systems

• Create and strengthen domestic anti-corruption agencies

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:47 p.m. No.348   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>349

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Baker, Raymond. 2005. Capitalism’s Achilles Heel: Dirty Money and How to Renew the Free-Market

System. John Wiley and Sons, Inc.

Baker, Raymond, Brionne Dawson, Ilya Shulman, and Clint Brewer. 2003. “Dirty Money and Its Global

Effects.” International Policy Report (January). http://www.ciponline.org/dirtymoney.pdf

Camdessus, Michel. 1998. “Money Laundering: The Importance of International Countermeasures.”

Address to the Plenary Meeting of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering, Paris,

February 10. www.imf.org/external/np/speeches/1998/021098.htm

Commission for Africa. 2005. “Our Common Interest: Report of the Commission for Africa.”

http://www.commissionforafrica.org/english/report/thereport/english/11-03-05_cr_report.pdf

FATF (Financial Action Task Force). 2003. “The Forty Recommendations.” http://www.fatf-

gafi.org/dataoecd/7/40/34849567.PDF

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2010?” Policy Research Working Paper 3102, World Bank, Washington, DC.

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Laundering–Background Paper.” Washington, DC.

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Strengthen Capacity of HIPCs to Track Poverty-Reducing Public Spending.” http://www.imf.org/exter-

nal/np/pp/eng/2005/041205a.pdf

Levi, Michael, Maria Dakolias, and Theodore S. Greenberg. 2007. “Where Goes The Money: Money

Laundering and Corruption.” In The Many Faces of Corruption–Tracking Vulnerabilities at the Sector

Level. World Bank, forthcoming.

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The Philippine Perspective.” Issue paper presented at the 5th regional anti-corruption conference

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Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.

Scher, Daniel. 2005. “Asset Recovery. Repatriating Africa’s Looted Billions.” African Security Review

14(4): 17–26.

Schneider, Friedrich. 2002. “The Size and Development of the Shadow Economies and Shadow

Economy Labor Force of 21 OECD Countries: What Do We Really Know?” Manuscript.

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Corruption. London: Pluto Press.

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4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre. 2007. “The Recovery of Stolen Assets: A Fundamental Principle

of the UN Convention Against Corruption.” Brief No. 2 (February).

http://www.baselgovernance.org/fileadmin/docs/icar/U4Brief2_2007_asset-recovery.pdf

Veglio, Pietro, and Peter Siegenthaler. 2007. “Facilitate Restitution of Looted State Assets and Ensure

their Effective Use.” Manuscript.

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governancefeedback/gacpaper-03212007.pdf

Several organizations, official and private, are gearing up to play a role at the international level

in StAR. The following are selected examples of the work being done by official, multicountry

agencies. The list is in alphabetical order and is by no means exhaustive.

Camden Assets Recovery Inter-Agency Network (CARIN)

CARIN is an informal government forfeiture organization. Its primary purpose is to build an informal

international network for law enforcement and prosecutorial/juridical officers who are asset

forfeiture practitioners. CARIN currently has 33 member-states, covering most of Europe, including

two members that are European Union-wide police and juridical assistance organizations

(Europol and Eurojust). CARIN has set up a secure Web site, accessible only to law enforcement

agencies, to list forfeiture laws. CARIN’s objectives include:

• Establishing centralized yet informal points of contact for forfeiture assistance in every member

country, both within the law enforcement and the prosecutorial or quasi-judicial arms of

government, depending upon the system.

• Promoting the exchange of information and good practices between CARIN members

• Focusing upon and promoting the forfeiture of all assets that are currently within the scope of

existing ratified international agreements

• Facilitating training in forfeiting the proceeds and instrumentalities of crime

• Encouraging members to establish national asset recovery offices within their jurisdictions.

Commission for Africa

The Commission for Africa’s central purpose is to generate new ideas and action for a strong and

prosperous Africa. The Commission, in a 2005 report, notes that the basis for securing progress

in stolen asset recovery is to be found in taking action in four linked areas:

• Introducing measures to prevent the theft of assets at source

• Improving systems to identify funds that have been acquired illicitly

• Facilitating the power of relevant national authorities to freeze and confiscate assets

• Creating instruments to hand back funds to the jurisdiction from which they were loote

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Implementation and Monitoring of UNCAC

As noted above, UNODC is the custodian and lead implementation agency for UNCAC. Actions

being considered as part of the UNODC–WBG partnership in the area of UNCAC implementation

are as follows:

• WBG assistance in the 2007 Conference of States Parties to be hosted by Indonesia

• WBG participation in the UNODC/UNCAC working groups on technical assistance, implementation,

and asset recovery

• UNODC and WBG joint technical assistance on adapting domestic legal frameworks for consistency

with UNC

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UNODC and WBG are working to formulate a joint effort on stolen asset recovery within the

framework of global collective action envisaged in the above matrix. The WBG role would be

defined by its mandate under the Governance and Anti-Corruption strategy approved by the

Board in March 2007. Likewise, the UNODC role would be defined by its designation as the custodian

for UNCAC and the Secretariat for the Conference of State Parties to UNCAC. The UNODC and

WBG would not be involved directly in the investigation, tracing, law enforcement, prosecution,

confiscation, and repatriation of stolen assets: the experience of countries such as Nigeria suggests

that these activities may be best suited for government-to-government assistance or private sector

assistance, working with the relevant government authorities.

The discussion below examines in more detail three sets of important actions from the above

matrix: building global partnerships on StAR; building institutional capacity at the country level;

and implementing and monitoring UNCAC.

6.2.a Building Global Partnerships on StAR

UNODC and the WBG have established a joint working group to take the StAR initiative forward.

An important objective is to include other institutions with an interest in asset recovery; a concerted,

global effort is vital for success. Appendix B briefly describes what other official, multicountry

agencies are doing in this field. An immediate action that could be pursued in this context is to

convene a meeting of experts on confiscation and asset recovery, along with representatives

from selected developing countries, to share experiences and identify good practices that can be

shared more broadly.

A broader partnership will also be needed to implement coordinated, international requests to

freeze assets in relation to a specific Politically Exposed Person (PEP). One of the biggest chal-

lenges facing developing countries is in getting other countries to freeze stolen assets. These

requests are usually made before criminal or civil investigations have been initiated, often with-

out knowing bank account transaction information and sometimes while the government official

is still covered by some form of domestic immunity. The problem is that a PEP could easily move

funds from one jurisdiction to another in order to escape detection and freezing. UNODC and

WBG, in partnership with other agencies and individual governments, could seek to establish a

uniform request methodology for victim governments to use in making simultaneous interna-

tional requests for assistance in freezing stolen assets.

A related initiative involves the creation of a StAR Focal Point List, to help sending countries to

know whom to contact in receiving countries for immediate assistance in the case of an emergency.

The speed of electronic communications (including wire transfers) and the perishability of evidence

require real-time assistance. The G-8 and others have established 24-hour contact systems to

handle terrorism, computer crime, and other issues. There is no list or system for contactin

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:52 p.m. No.352   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>353

>>351

designated national officials who can act as focal points to help countries handle stolen asset

cases, especially those involving PEPs, other government officials, and those who might have

bribed public officials. The UNODC and WBG can work with other agencies to establish a 24-hour,

seven-day Focal Point List of officials in countries who can respond to emergency requests for

assistance. Appendix C contains a draft questionnaire that can be used to help identify focal

points and the information needed to provide responses. The StAR Focal Points can serve as a

channel for international PEP freeze requests.

Another initiative pertains to the formation of a Friends of StAR Group (FSTAR). The cooperation

of the international community is needed to ensure that financial centers meet certain minimum

levels of transparency and agree to cooperate with law enforcement authorities from other juris-

dictions. FSTAR would be an advisory group consisting of distinguished and influential individuals

from countries with a special interest or expertise in stolen asset recovery, with the following

terms of reference:

• Serve as a forum to understand the problems faced by countries in the areas of confiscation,

asset recovery, and international cooperation in anti-money laundering and stolen asset recovery,

and develop recommendations to solve these problems.

• Advocate for ratification and implementation of UNCAC, particularly in developed (receiving)

countries.

6.2.b Building Institutional Capacity and Providing Technical Assistance at the Country Level

First, at the individual country level, the UNODC-WBG effort would follow a two-track approach

consisting of short-run immediate actions and longer-run institution building interventions.

Defining what is needed would depend upon the specific country context and the dimensions of

the stolen asset problem. Immediate actions are likely to include technical assistance to the

country on filing a request for mutual legal assistance, how to approach receiving countries, and

advising on contracts with lawyers and forensic accountants working with the relevant country

authorities.

UNODC and WBG would identify five to six countries for targeted technical assistance on imple-

menting UNCAC and enhancing the capacity of the criminal justice system to effectively prevent

asset looting and approach asset recovery consistent with internationally accepted legal standards.

This technical assistance will also target the recommended actions for developing countries in

table 3:

• Bring about complete ratification and implementation of UNCAC (see p. 37)

• Fund, staff, and ensure independence of Financial Intelligence Units

• Strengthen FIUs and anti-money laundering capacity

• Develop capacity to respond to and file international mutual legal assistance requests

• Enhance transparency and accountability of public financial management systems

• Create and strengthen domestic anti-corruption agencies.

Anonymous ID: 77aab1 Feb. 20, 2018, 7:52 p.m. No.353   🗄️.is 🔗kun

>>352

global partnership must be formed to ensure that new financial havens do not replace

the existing ones and that developing countries receive the legal support they need.

• Civil society and the media in developing countries should be brought into the process of

monitoring the use of recovered assets, where feasible.

6.1 ACTION PLAN MATRIX

At the simplest level, there are two ways to help developing countries recover stolen assets. One

is to lower the hurdles they face when seeking the return of assets located in other jurisdictions.

The second is to strengthen laws and institutions governing asset recovery in these countries.

Thus actions can be grouped under two headings: reducing barriers in developed countries to

recover stolen assets; and strengthening the ability of developing countries to recover them. In

addition, to ensure transparency, monitoring the use of recovered assets on a voluntary basis,

with the agreement of all the countries concerned, is likely to be needed. Table 3 presents a

matrix of recommended relevant actions under the two headings that could be taken by developed

(G-8 and OECD) and developing countries, other stakeholders, and UNODC and the WBG. It

reflects feedback from various consultations and the challenges emerging from the country case

studies outlined above.

The following points are worth noting about the Action Plan: first, a successful StAR effort

requires that the G-8 and OECD lead by example, which would include ratification of UNCAC by

those countries that have not already done so and actively facilitating requests for mutual legal

assistance from developing countries regarding stolen asset recovery. Second, given UNCAC’s

position as the state-of-the-art international legal framework underpinning asset recovery (see

section 4), ratification and implementation of UNCAC by all countries is given special prominence.

Third, the critical need for concerted global action by all countries and relevant agencies is

emphasized by including a role for financial system regulators and the nonfinancial sector.

Fourth, the last row of the table focuses on joint actions by UNODC and the WBG, which fall into

three parts: assistance for individual country-level efforts; using their convening power to advocate

for stolen assets recovery; and sponsoring a forum for sharing experiences among developing

countries in stolen asset recovery.

In addition to what is presented in the table, there are several multilateral and bilateral agencies

that are already playing an important role directly or indirectly in stolen asset recovery. The next

section discusses specific actions that the UNODC and WBG need to take in order to benefit from

the work and expertise of these agencies, including actively involving them in the effort. The next

section also discusses specific actions—such as on monitoring the use of recovered funds—that may

draw upon the comparative advantage of one of these institutions: the WBG, in this particular ca

Anonymous ID: 89d242 Feb. 27, 2018, 1:12 p.m. No.542   🗄️.is 🔗kun

From Qresearch:

 

remember the list of 13 individuals listed in the EO on human rights violations?

 

it is now a 1108 page pdf list

 

https://www.treasury.gov/ofac/downloads/sdnlist.pdf

LuckyAnon ID: 89d242 Dirty Deeds Done With Diesel March 20, 2018, 2:06 p.m. No.3161   🗄️.is 🔗kun

Not just VW, but BMW too – fudging emissions data. Shame on you Germany

https://www.seattletimes.com/business/german-prosecutors-search-automaker-bmws-hq-in-diesel-probe/

LuckyAnon ID: 89d242 Excellent Analysis - McCabe and his Role March 23, 2018, 11:59 a.m. No.3556   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>3794

Thank you villageidiotanon!

https://8ch.net/qresearch/res/750519.html#751027

LuckyAnon ID: 77aab1 Good read March 25, 2018, 3:23 p.m. No.3786   🗄️.is 🔗kun

"Since the DOJ and FBI under Obama, and in cahoots with Hillary, had decided to engage in a sham investigation, this led to Trump having to face Hillary’s fake dossier that was drafted in collusion with Russian intelligence and the security services of other foreign powers. Money was paid to media outlets and others “news agencies” were simply too eager to push anti-Trump propaganda. But, if the FBI and DOJ had performed their duty as the law demands, then Trump would not be in a situation of having to defend himself over the fact that everyone knew the Clintons were crooks. How is it that stating the obvious suddenly becomes Russian collusion? Does anyone really think that Trump Jr. needed some Russian lawyer to tell him Hillary that HIllary was crooked. "

 

http://beforeitsnews.com/politics/2018/03/the-fbi-has-proven-the-government-is-not-to-be-trusted-or-how-i-scooped-the-msm-on-high-treason-2990034.html?currentSplittedPage=0

Anonymous ID: 2cd2f6 March 25, 2018, 4 p.m. No.3794   🗄️.is 🔗kun   >>3808

>>3556

They've got some good stuff over at / villageidiots/ from the quick glance I made. Not trying to divide, just a good idea to keep abreast of other work.

LuckyAnon ID: efe57d March 25, 2018, 5:31 p.m. No.3808   🗄️.is 🔗kun

>>3794

Bring the good stuff over here and give credit to villageidiotanon :)

 

I don't see it as dividing, but expanding our collective knowledge.

LVAnon ID: 89d242 On the 302 Form April 27, 2018, 12:34 p.m. No.5753   🗄️.is 🔗kun

From qresearch:

 

McCabe, Page, Strzok FBI corruption thoughts

sauces:

https://www.scribd.com/document/377540616/PS-LP-Text-Messages-Dec-2016-May-2017

http://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/375557-3-questions-inspector-general-must-answer-regarding-investigation-of-fbi

https://pjmedia.com/trending/report-mccabe-may-asked-fbi-agents-change-302-forms/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_FBI_forms#FD-302

https://twitter.com/Cernovich/status/965395893246615552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.investmentwatchblog.com%2Fmccabe-altered-his-302-of-the-flynn-interview-and-deleted-all-history-of-revisions%2F