Litman: Will Trump be tried for Jan. 6? After Supreme Court arguments, it's more uncertain than everHarry Litman
KEK Thu, April 25, 20241/2
(PANIC from LA Times)
For those rightly concerned about the timing of Donald Trump's federal Jan. 6 trial, Thursday's oral arguments before theSupreme Court gave plenty of reasons for worry. Moreover, the court’s conservative majorityseemed inclined to define presidential immunityfrom prosecution in a way that could undermine some of the charges in special counsel Jack Smith's indictment.
Much of the court’s questioning went well beyond the immediate issue of Trump’s immunity for the criminal acts alleged. (That was always the request: immunity)
The court's conservatives focused almost exclusively on abstract questions of immunity for future presidents rather than the charges against the former president.
Even the more moderate members of the conservative majority seemed preoccupied with thedifficulty of drawing the line between official and unofficial acts, assuming that the former deserve extensive protection from prosecution.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett read a litany of acts from the indictment and asked Trump's lawyer whether they were official or not. Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. indicated that theline between public and private presidential conduct is hard to draw, saying he was concerned that the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals "did not get into a focused consideration of what acts we're talking about or what documents we're talking about."
At best, the court's questioning augurs an opinion setting out general principles of immunity and necessitating a remand to the lower courts to apply the justices' guidance. As Justice Neil M. Gorsuch put it,"We're writing a rule for the ages." That would add further delay to a schedule that already seems to be putting a trial shortly before or beyond the November election.
And that wasn't even the most serious implication for Smith's case.
The conservative justices' questioning of Michael Dreeben, the special counsel’s well-regarded Supreme Court specialist, was sharp and fast. And their questions to both sides suggested they might conclude thatinquiring into a president’s motivesfor certain acts wouldviolate the constitutional separation of powers. That would point to a decision requiring the courts to set aside all evidence of a president’s malign intent. (He is not a well regarded atty, he and Smith lost 3 prior cases at the SC, and rebuked. Incompetent lefty)
If motive has to be disregarded= in determining whether the president's actions are official or not,it could undermine much of the case against Trump— including, for example, his brazen attempt to strong-arm the Department of Justice into falsely informing Georgia officials that the state's election results were flawed.
Such alimitation might even provide immunity in the hypothetical extremeproposed during arguments before the D.C. Circuit: a president ordering Navy Seals to assassinate a political opponent. The force of that example is that it shows how an official act could have a patently malign motive.
As Justice Elena Kagan interjected in reference to the implications of her colleagues' questions and Trump lawyer John Sauer's response: “You’re asking us to say that a president is entitled … for total personal gain, to use the trappings of his office.” Exactly right.
Gorsuch threw another lifeline to Trump’s lawyer, asking whether he would accept a definition of official acts like the one in the D.C. Circuit’s opinion in Blassingame vs. Trump, which concerned presidential immunity from civil suits. That case drew a distinction between Trump's acts as an officeholder and as an office-seeker.Applying it to the criminal case would likely immunize Trumpfor some of the conduct in the indictment, in particular his allegedly corrupt use of the Justice Department, though he would presumably remain on the hook for political conduct such as organizing false electors…
(https://www.yahoo.com/news/litman-trump-tried-jan-6-201915640.html