PS
Let me buy you a beer or six and we can compare arrest stories….
I think mine is funnier than yours honestly.
Ese cabrón está más loco que una rata de mierda
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zbigniew_Brzezinski
In 1974, Brzezinski selected Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter as a member.[7]
Government
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Council Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski (1977)
Jimmy Carter announced his candidacy for the 1976 presidential campaign to a skeptical media and proclaimed himself an "eager student" of Brzezinski.[23] Brzezinski became Carter's principal foreign policy advisor by late 1975. He became an outspoken critic of the Nixon-Kissinger over-reliance on détente, a situation preferred by the Soviet Union, favoring the Helsinki process instead, which focused on human rights, international law and peaceful engagement in Eastern Europe. Brzezinski was considered to be the Democrats' response to Republican Henry Kissinger.[24] Carter engaged his incumbent opponent for the presidency, Gerald Ford, in foreign policy debates by contrasting the Trilateral vision with Ford's détente.[25]
After his victory in 1976, Carter made Brzezinski National Security Advisor. Earlier that year, major labor riots broke out in Poland, laying the foundations for Solidarity. Brzezinski began by emphasizing the "Basket III" human rights in the Helsinki Final Act, which inspired Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia shortly thereafter.[26]
Brzezinski assisted with writing parts of Carter's inaugural address, and this served his purpose of sending a positive message to Soviet dissidents.[27] The Soviet Union and Western European leaders both complained that this kind of rhetoric ran against the "code of détente" that Nixon and Kissinger had established.[28][29] Brzezinski ran up against members of his own Democratic Party who disagreed with this interpretation of détente, including Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. Vance argued for less emphasis on human rights in order to gain Soviet agreement to Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), whereas Brzezinski favored doing both at the same time. Brzezinski then ordered Radio Free Europe transmitters to increase the power and area of their broadcasts, a provocative reversal of Nixon-Kissinger policies.[30] West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt objected to Brzezinski's agenda, even calling for the removal of Radio Free Europe from German soil.[31]
The State Department was alarmed by Brzezinski's support for dissidents in East Germany and objected to his suggestion that Carter's first overseas visit be to Poland. He visited Warsaw and met with Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski (against the objection of the U.S. Ambassador to Poland), recognizing the Roman Catholic Church as the legitimate opposition to communist rule in Poland.[32]
By 1978, Brzezinski and Vance were more and more at odds over the direction of Carter's foreign policy. Vance sought to continue the style of détente engineered by Nixon-Kissinger, with a focus on arms control. Brzezinski believed that détente emboldened the Soviets in Angola and the Middle East, and so he argued for increased military strength and an emphasis on human rights. Vance, the State Department, and the media criticized Brzezinski publicly as seeking to revive the Cold War.[citation needed]
Brzezinski advised Carter in 1978 to engage the People's Republic of China and traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for the normalization of relations between the two countries. This also resulted in the severing of ties with the United States' longtime anti-Communist ally the Republic of China (Taiwan).[citation needed]
For historical background on this period of history, see:
Iranian Revolution;
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan; and
Solidarity.
1979 saw two major strategically important events: the overthrow of U.S. ally the Shah of Iran, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Iranian Revolution precipitated the Iran hostage crisis, which would last for the rest of Carter's presidency. Brzezinski anticipated the Soviet invasion, and, with the support of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the People's Republic of China, he created a strategy to undermine the Soviet presence. Using this atmosphere of insecurity, Brzezinski led the United States toward a new arms buildup and the development of the Rapid Deployment Forces—policies that are both more generally associated with Reagan's presidency now.[citation needed]
On November 9, 1979, Brzezinski was woken at 3 am by a phone call with a startling message: The Soviets had just launched 250 nuclear weapons at the United States. Minutes later, Brzezinski received another call: The early-warning system actually showed 2,000 missiles heading toward the United States.[33] As Brzezinski prepared to phone President Jimmy Carter to plan a full-scale response, he received a third call: It was a false alarm. An early warning training tape generating indications of a large-scale Soviet nuclear attack had somehow transferred to the actual early warning network, which triggered an all-too-real scramble.[33]
“without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be an empire, but with Ukraine suborned and then subordinated, Russia automatically becomes an empire” has become an edict for observers of international affairs. But Brzezinski appreciated the importance of Ukraine even before perestroika and the USSR’s timely collapse.
apologies…
https://www.huffpost.com/entry/zbigs-ukraine_b_592e4a18e4b075342b52c175
At the start of the Cold War, Zbigniew Brzezinski prophetically raised an issue overlooked by many analysts and scholars: the Soviet Union was not a homogenous entity, but instead an amalgam of non-Russian nationalities that sooner or later would seek greater autonomy. His groundbreaking 1950 thesis entitled Russo-Soviet Nationalism examined the forces of nationalism in the USSR. Brzezinski noted: “The test case for Russian nationalism is, however, the Ukraine, the most nationally conscious Union Republic in the USSR. It is also in the Ukraine that Russian nationalism manifests itself most openly, and the former policies of Russification seem to come to life again, indicating the full extent of the resurgence of Russian nationalism.” He argued that this super-imposed Russian primacy was not in immediate danger, but that there is latent potential that individual nationalities within the Soviet Union – conscious of their uniqueness – would attempt to assert their rights.
As if there is a DS handbook somewhere with Coach Kleins plays in it….
He wasn't quite John Wick, but the foundation forms began to take shape…